José Miguel Carrera

"José Miguel de la Carrera" redirects here. For the Lieutenant General of the Kingdom of Spain, see José Miguel de la Carrera y Elguea.

José Miguel Carrera
President of the Provisional Government Junta of Chile
In office November 16, 1811 – April 8, 1812
Monarch	Ferdinand VII
Preceded by	Executive Tribunal of 1811 (presided over by Juan Enrique Rosales)
Succeeded by	José Santiago Portales
President of the Representative Junta of the Sovereignty of Chile
In office December 6, 1812 – March 30, 1813
Monarch	Ferdinand VII
Preceded by	Pedro José Prado Jaraquemada
Succeeded by	Juan José Carrera Verdugo
1st and 3rd General-in-Chief of the Chilean Army
In office March 31, 1813 – November 23, 1813
Preceded by	Office created
Succeeded by	Bernardo O'Higgins Riquelme
In office August 28, 1814 – October 2, 1814
Preceded by	Bernardo O'Higgins Riquelme
Succeeded by	José de San Martín y Matorras
President of the Government Junta of Chile
In office July 23, 1814 – October 2, 1814
Preceded by	Francisco de la Lastra (Supreme Director)
Succeeded by	Mariano Osorio (Royal Governor)
3rd Governor of the San Luis Province (de facto)
In office March 13, 1821 – April 2, 1821
Preceded by	Pedro Herrera
Succeeded by	José Gregorio Giménez
5th Governor of the San Luis Province
In office July 17, 1821 – July 24, 1821
Preceded by	José Gregorio Giménez
Succeeded by	José Gregorio Giménez
Personal details
Born	October 15, 1785 Santiago de Chile, Captaincy General of Chile, Kingdom of Spain
Died	September 4, 1821 (aged 35) Mendoza, United Provinces of the Río de la Plata
Cause of death	Execution by firing squad on the orders of Tomás Godoy Cruz and Bernardo de Monteagudo
Party	Independent (nationalist/patriot)
Height	1.75 m (5 ft 9 in)
Relations	Carrera family Juan Ignacio de la Carrera (great-great-grandfather) José Miguel de la Carrera y Elguea (great-grandfather) Francisco Juan de la Carrera (great-granduncle) Ignacio de la Carrera y Ureta (grandfather) Juan José Carrera (brother) Javiera Carrera (sister) Luis Carrera (brother) Ignacio Carrera Pinto (grandson) Osvaldo Lira (great-grandson) María Elena Carrera (great-great-granddaughter)
Children	Francisca Javiera, Roberta, Rosa, Josefa and José Miguel
Parents	Ignacio de la Carrera Francisca de Paula Verdugo Fernández de Valdivieso y Herrera
Occupation	Politician and soldier
Known for	National, Literary, Economic, Civil and Ecclesiastical Institute of the State of Chile (Instituto Nacional) First Senate of Chile
Signature
Military service
Branch/service	Army of Spain Chilean Army
Rank	General
Unit	Infantry

José Miguel de la Carrera y Verdugo (Santiago, October 15, 1785 – Mendoza, September 4, 1821) was a Chilean politician and soldier. A founding figure of the emancipation of Chile and a prominent participant in the wars of independence, he is recognized as one of the "Fathers of the Fatherland of Chile", head of government, the first General-in-Chief of the Army and the first caudillo in the republican history of that country, and one of the first in America.

He was descended from an aristocratic Hispanic family, and after serving in the armies of the King of Spain against the army of Napoleon, he returned to Chile in July 1811. After successive coups d'état, on November 15 of that year he had himself named President of the Provisional Government Junta of what is now called the Patria Vieja and, after dissolving the National Congress, he assumed full powers on December 2. His government, openly separatist with respect to the state apparatus of Spain, had to confront the invasion that Viceroy Abascal ordered to be carried out from Talcahuano, thus unleashing the War for the Independence of Chile.

After leading the first Chilean emancipation process known as the Patria Vieja and after the Battle of Rancagua, which resulted in a defeat, Carrera headed the pro-independence exodus and withdrew from Chile together with the rest of the soldiers and citizens to the Argentine city of Mendoza. There he tried to reorganize the struggle and the liberation of his country, for which he decided to travel to the United States, where President James Madison received him, and he managed to organize a naval squadron with Napoleonic and North American officers. He returned to South America, but the Lautaro Lodge prevented him from returning to Chile. His political and military life from 1818 onward turned into a bitter struggle between those who governed Chile and Argentina, under strong British influence, and those who saw the Republic as the ideal to follow.

These events were what gave the Chilean poet Pablo Neruda, Nobel Prize laureate, the inspiration to grant him the title of Prince of the Roads. His political and military life from 1815 onward progressively declined until, after being arrested as a montonero, he was executed by firing squad in Mendoza in 1821.

Overview

José Miguel Carrera portrayed by the painter Ezequiel Plaza.

José Miguel de la Carrera y Verdugo is one of the most controversial figures in Chilean history. Although he is considered one of the Fathers of the Fatherland in Chile, during his life he was accused by some patriots of betraying the cause, for trying to become a Napoleon on Chilean soil.

Some historians, such as Diego Barros Arana, suppose that a large part of these controversies derive from the impetuous and passionate character of Carrera, who often would not have considered the possible consequences of his actions, which at times produced disastrous results. However, it is also possible to understand his actions as motivated by a purpose different from that of other pro-independence figures, which would have produced disagreements and problems.

Indeed, although Carrera was clearly pro-independence, there are authors who doubt the caudillo's republicanism, while others consider him the founder of the Republic. There are also some historians who simply see him as one of the first caudillos who, based on military power and demagogy, dominated much of the political life of Latin America.

Another historiographical branch recognizes Carrera's foundational role. They see in him a revolutionary who, on the basis of the political power he was able to accumulate, endowed the country not only with a political constitution but with a new institutional framework (such as the Senate of 1812), with new national symbols, and with a new education more in keeping with the new times and more widespread by including girls, among other advances that would make him the true builder of the State. Within this current one can place the Amunátegui brothers and Julio Alemparte.

Biography

Childhood and youth

He was the son of Colonel of the Royal Militias Ignacio de la Carrera and Francisca de Paula Verdugo Fernández de Valdivieso y Herrera. She was a direct descendant of Juan de Garay, Hernandarias, Jerónimo Luis de Cabrera, Diego de Villarroel, Martín Suárez de Toledo and Mencía Calderón, and of the lord of Almonaster, Regidor of Panama, Captain General and Governor of Tierra Firme, Gonzalo Martel de la Puente y Guzmán.

He was the third of four siblings: Javiera, Juan José, José Miguel and Luis. He married Mercedes Fontecilla Valdivieso and had five children, four daughters and one son. The son, José Miguel Carrera Fontecilla, was the father of Captain Ignacio Carrera Pinto, the hero of the Battle of La Concepción.

In 1807 his father sent him to Spain, where he obtained a solid military education, fighting for the Hispanic cause during the Napoleonic Invasion of Spain. He enlisted in the Volunteers of Madrid and the Farnesio Hussars and took part in more than twenty battles. The most important were the occupation of the City of Mora, the retreat from Consuegra, the combats of Yébenes and the Guadiana River, the Battle of Talavera and the Battle of Ocaña, where he was wounded on November 19, 1809.

Because of the wound he was transferred to Cádiz, where he received the Cross of Talavera and was promoted to major of the Galicia Hussars Regiment. At that time Cádiz was a center of great political agitation, since the Regency Council was located there and the future constitution was being debated. In that City Carrera probably came into contact with Joaquín Fernández de Leiva, who was there representing Chile before the Cortes of Cádiz. Fernández de Leiva was the half-brother of Manuel Rodríguez, a close friend of José Miguel. It was also there that he met José de San Martín.

Years later, San Martín recalled in a letter that while he was in Spain he had met several "young Americans" who decided to return to their countries to take part in the struggle for independence, which was intensifying. In the letter San Martín does not name these people. Coincidence or not, however, both José Miguel Carrera and José de San Martín submitted requests to return to their respective countries in 1811. Both had problems at first, but the Regency soon granted the requests.

San Martín, however, traveled first to London. There he met, among others, the Venezuelans Luis López Méndez and Andrés Bello, the Mexican Servando Teresa de Mier, and the Argentines Carlos María de Alvear (who already knew José Miguel) and José Matías Zapiola. Crucially, he also joined the Lautaro Lodge. It has also been said, without even a circumstantial basis, that José de San Martín learned of the so-called Maitland Plan in that city. Other historians have made clear that San Martín was in London only because he needed to board an English ship to leave Cádiz for America, since the French blockade kept the city surrounded. Carrera, by contrast, managed to travel to America on an English warship that did not pass through London.

Meanwhile, Carrera embarked on April 17, 1811, on the English warship Standard. He arrived in Santiago on July 26 and immediately plunged into the intricacies of local politics.

From that moment, at only 25 years of age, Carrera changed the direction of the Chilean pro-independence process. Until then the moderates had predominated, and their aim was rather to obtain degrees of autonomy within the Spanish Empire without reaching full independence. Carrera was a revolutionary who sought the full independence of Chile from Spain.

Carrera, director of the Revolution

Political intervention of José Miguel Carrera: doubts and confusion

When José Miguel Carrera arrived in Chile, the most pro-independence faction was led by Juan Martínez de Rozas, who was apparently a member of the same Masonic lodge as Carrera (the "Lautaro Lodge" of Cádiz). This faction had organized a coup d'état, alleging irregularities in the election of the first congress. The coup was backed by Carrera's brothers Juan José and Luis, who commanded the troops in the capital. José Miguel persuaded his brothers to wait while he tried to convince the more conservative faction to resolve the problem peacefully.

When that attempt failed, José Miguel decided that the coup was the only solution, and it took place successfully on September 4, 1811. His intervention, however, had two other consequences. First, the initial postponement of the coup produced the beginnings of a rivalry between the capital and Concepción, and therefore between Rozas and Carrera. As a result, on the following day (September 5), but without coordination with the events in Santiago, the "exaltados" in an open Cabildo replaced that province's deputies with other pro-independence men. Second, Carrera showed that he was the one who held effective control over the armed forces.

The immediate result was that the National Congress passed into the hands of the pro-independence faction. On November 15 of the same year, however, Carrera carried out a second coup. It formally kept the Congress in place, but it established a triumvirate made up of José Gaspar Marín (for Coquimbo) and Bernardo O'Higgins (as substitute for Rozas, for Concepción), headed by Carrera himself (for Santiago). This began the controversy over his motives and intentions.

Carrera himself gives three different reasons for this second coup. On November 20 he circulated an anonymous pamphlet stating that this Congress suffered from "the most imaginable nullity", because in forming it "the free will of the citizen had not been consulted and the general representation had been trampled upon". However, a "Manifesto" circulated in the provinces and dated December 4 of the same year argues that convening the Congress at all had been untimely, because the country was not prepared for that type of institutions. It adds that the election of the deputies had been null because it had been subject to "the action of cabals and factions". It concludes that such a situation was unacceptable to the people, who had had no other recourse than to turn "to the troops, and these, unable to ignore with indolence a complaint that touched them so closely, made the demand their own". Finally, in his military diary he reveals that the purpose was to bring down what he considered the preponderance of the Larraín family: "We could no longer put up with the domination of that house. Good Chileans came accusing us of having been the ones who had placed the country in the hands of that family and who had therefore cooperated in the enslavement of all Chile … nothing protected that accursed family from being suppressed". What is interesting about this last opinion, Carrera's private one, is that it mentions no political interests beyond the destruction of that family and its replacement by his own.

Shortly afterward, on December 2, 1811, the congress was dissolved, which led Marín and O'Higgins to resign from the triumvirate. Carrera gives his reasons in his military diary: "The men who made up the Congress, for the most part ignorant, murderers and lately directed by one or two perverse men, were the reason that led us to depose it". He now held total power.

As a result, the Junta of Concepción refused to recognize the authority of the military government and demanded the restoration of representative government. Carrera, through O'Higgins, sent assurances of goodwill. At a meeting at the end of April 1812 he assured Rozas that in fact "since the December revolution the government (of Carrera) had declared that it would be Representative". Trusting Carrera's words, tensions eased, and the southern provinces prepared to receive deputies in order to resolve the difficulties. Carrera adds in his diary: "To avoid the evils with which the juntas of Concepción and Valdivia threatened us, it was necessary to take shrewd and active measures; once Concepción was secured, it cost nothing to subdue Valdivia. In July 1812 Don Juan Antonio Salcedo y Muñoz was sent to Concepción as deputy of the government (of Santiago) to the war junta, to deal with and cut short every disagreement; his main object was to destroy it. Through the influence of Don Pedro Benavente, the troops were stirred to revolt, the war junta was destroyed, arrested and sent to Santiago with many of the suspects, and command was left securely in the hands of Benavente." As a result of these and other maneuvers, the garrison of Valdivia placed itself under the orders of the Viceroy of Peru. In Concepción itself, the authorities and the more conservative political sectors saw their positions strengthened.

All this gave grounds for many suspicions. Some saw the second coup as an attempt to restore the monarchist party. Others, including some outside Chilean politics, saw it as an attempt driven by personal ambition.

It should be noted that José Miguel Carrera justified all of the above as necessary for the good "of the cause of independence". In his words, "republican forms joined to absolute power; opinion divided by the divergence of parties; ambition disguised in the garb of the Public Good; Authority without rules for commanding, the People without laws for obeying, like a ship without a helm amid the waves, fluctuating among the convulsions of anarchy, Chile in its state of oscillation presented the picture of a frightful crisis ...". Despite such declarations about seeking independence, however, his government's official documents never declared that independence. On the contrary, they specifically recognized Ferdinand VII as the legitimate King of Chile. As late as September 1814, on the eve of the disaster of Rancagua, the Carrera government proclaimed: "Today the infamous Mariano Osorio makes war on it against the express orders of the King, who in the decree of May 4, 1814, leaves the constituted authorities in both hemispheres in place until the resolution of a new Congress, and annuls the Spanish Constitution and the orders of the Regency, with the penalty of death for those who seek obedience to them. Therefore, Osorio and all who follow his camp are declared traitors to the King and to the fatherland."

Works of his Government

First Chilean coat of arms.

The works of Carrera's government include the Constitution of 1812. It had 27 articles and established a government made up of a Senate of 7 members and a Superior Government Junta with three members.

The document can be seen as an attempt to establish a constitutional monarchy or parliamentary monarchy, with a direct relationship with the crown but with no other Spanish authority. It recognized Ferdinand VII of Spain as King, but it clearly established that "power" resides in the people (articles 2, 6, 8). That people "shall make its constitution" and the King "shall accept it". At the same time it declared null any order or provision coming from outside the national territory (article 5). This seems to be the first time official documents imply that Chile is a "country", as opposed to a "province" or part of an empire. In addition, although it established equal rights (art. 24), Carrera and his supporters did not abolish titles of nobility. Their stated reason was to avoid increasing "imprudently and without necessity the number of powerful enemies against the system of Independence".

This interpretation seems consistent with an article published in May 1812 in the Aurora de Chile. It was signed by Camilo Henríquez, who was in charge of the commission drafting that Constitution, and it stated: "The British government is a mean between monarchy, which tends toward arbitrariness; democracy, which ends in anarchy; and aristocracy, which is the most immoral of governments and the most incompatible with public happiness. It is therefore a mixed government in which these three systems temper, watch and restrain one another. Their action and reaction establish an equilibrium from which liberty is born." (...)

The first national flag, made by Doña Javiera Carrera, one of the works of the Carrera government. Also known as the flag of the Patria Vieja (1812–1814).

It is less clear how Carrera conceived of this government in the short term, or what role he reserved for himself. Clearly, in the long term, the members of the Senate and of the Executive Junta were to be elected every three years. In practice, however, Carrera personally chose the first members of that senate. The regulation also established that the members of the Junta at that time would remain in office and would be replaced "in the event of death or resignation" (article 4).

In November 1812 the Carrera Junta prohibited the promotion of what it considered sedition against the government. The penalty was a reprimand, followed by exile for repeat offenders. Later, on March 25, 1813, the death penalty was decreed for those found guilty of conspiring to overthrow the government. In addition, the government publicly warned of punishments against "young men of immoderate patriotism" who insulted other people, and it offered confidentiality and security to informers, since the Junta believed that these acts also dishonored the government.

In any case, it seems fair to say that, whatever his intentions or ambitions, José Miguel Carrera was inspired if not by liberal or republican ideas, then at least by those of the Enlightenment as it was understood in Spain, and by a nascent patriotism. This patriotism differed from that of other Hispanic Americans of the time, such as Bolívar, who spoke of an American Fatherland, whereas Carrera spoke of a Chilean Fatherland. Most of his government's actions seem designed to create what was called an "enlightened public opinion" and to foster a national identity distinct from being Spanish subjects.

Small square commemorating the Siege of Chillán, in present-day Chillán Viejo.

Together with his sister Javiera, he personally designed the first national symbols. These were a national flag (three equal horizontal stripes, in the order blue, white and yellow); a coat of arms, very different from the present one, bearing two Latin mottoes, Post tenebras lux (after darkness, light) and Aut Consiliis Aut Ense (by reason or by the sword); and a cockade, which it became compulsory to wear. In addition, September 18 was established as a holiday. This was done not only in recognition of the first step in the independence process, but also as a way of heightening the nationalist spirit of Chilean citizens.

It can be argued convincingly that his wish or intention was to awaken the interest of the popular sectors, which until then had been totally indifferent to the pro-independence cause. According to the conceptions of the time, the independence process was the work of what were then called "noble residents" (landowners, aristocrats, military or ecclesiastical authorities). These were either Europeans, mostly Spaniards, or their direct descendants, the only people accepted in those days as criollos. The popular sectors were left aside: not only the growing mestizo population and the indigenous peoples, but also poor or non-noble Spaniards. Descriptions from that time make clear that the "aristocratic" sectors and wealthy merchants considered these groups inferior. They looked down as well on the nascent professional sector, especially if its members came from "mestizo" families (very few did). In those days, entry into higher education required passing an examination of "purity of blood", that is, proving that one was not a mestizo. The "not purely Hispanic" sector suffered from almost absolute illiteracy and from constant mistreatment and discrimination by the owners of land and money. A careful reading of his writings suggests, however, that the Carrera conception of "the people" refers to what was then considered the Third Estate, which today would probably correspond to the middle classes.

His government also published the country's first newspaper, "La Aurora de Chile". Its editor was Fray Camilo Henríquez, and it proclaimed both pro-independence ideals and those of the Enlightenment. He also founded the Instituto Nacional and the National Library of Chile, and promoted the formation of a Economic Society of Friends of the Country. Free schools were established in the convents for both boys and girls. Commercial relations were established with the United States, and he even received the first U.S. consul in Chile, Joel Robert Poinsett, with whom he formed a close relationship.

His other works include public works in Santiago, such as night lighting and street repairs. He also founded the School of Grenadiers, which was the basis for the future Military School.

Summary of his works

Battle of El Roble, by Manuel Tapia (1835–1915).

* Creation of the first national coat of arms, the first national flag and the cockade, characteristic symbols of the Patria Vieja.

• Creation of the first national newspaper, Aurora de Chile, under Fray Camilo Henríquez.
• Establishment of diplomatic relations with the United States, through Consul Joel Roberts Poinsett.
• Founding of the School of Grenadiers, predecessor of the Military School.
• Founding of the Instituto Nacional.
• Founding of the National Library of Chile.
• Provisional Constitutional Regulation of 1812.
• The first coup d'état.

The struggle for Independence

In March 1813, the expeditionary troops sent by the Viceroyalty of Peru landed under the command of Brigadier Antonio Pareja, with the aim of suppressing the emancipation of Chile. Carrera took command as General in Chief of the Army and fought at Yerbas Buenas, San Carlos and Talcahuano. Although these first battles were celebrated as victories in the capital, their outcome was uncertain. The bulk of the army lacked Carrera's battle experience, and desertions and tactical errors (some of them shameful) were more common than might be expected.

Sketch of Chillán (Chillán Viejo), drawn up on Carrera's orders to besiege the city.

After the arrival of Gabino Gaínza's troops, Carrera laid siege to the city of Chillán. He had to withdraw from it because he lacked adequate means.

In January 1814 he was succeeded in command of the Army by Brigadier Bernardo O'Higgins, who was victorious at the battles of El Roble, Quilo and Membrillar. After handing over command in Concepción, Carrera was taken prisoner by the Spanish on his way to Santiago, but managed to escape.

On July 23, 1814, together with the priest Julián Uribe, he led a revolt that deposed the Supreme Director, Francisco de la Lastra de la Sotta, and installed a government junta with himself as president. However, part of the civil government fled south, and at an open cabildo in Talca it asked O'Higgins to restore representative government. His brother Luis then faced O'Higgins at the Battle of Las Tres Acequias and defeated him with a skillful defensive stratagem. Brigadier Mariano Osorio, sent by the Viceroy of Peru to suppress the independence of Chile once again, then landed, forcing them to join forces. But the lack of war materiel and Osorio's speed led to the Disaster of Rancagua, where the pro-independence forces led by O'Higgins were beaten. José Miguel Carrera and his brothers emigrated to Mendoza along with many pro-independence families from Santiago. He stayed in the rearguard to protect the fleeing crowd and clashed with the royalist troops in the middle of the cordillera, in the so-called Battle of the Papers (October 11, 1814). He reached Argentina, where he only managed to make an enemy of the governor and was later imprisoned.

Carrera in exile

In Argentina

When José Miguel and his brothers arrived in Cuyo on October 17, the dispute between the supporters and the opponents of the Carrera government grew fiercer. General O'Higgins obtained support from José de San Martín, who (according to some historical accounts) was O'Higgins's Masonic brother, since both were united by the secret Lautaro Lodge for the liberation of America. San Martín, however, did not trust the Carreras, for a variety of reasons. These included a series of attitudes on the brothers' part that San Martín considered an attempt to disregard his authority. At the same time, the brothers had lost much prestige as a result of the disaster of Rancagua, and many of the refugees in Mendoza wrongly accused them of treason and of having stolen the national treasury. Finally, O'Higgins as well as José Miguel and Juan José were sent to Buenos Aires. There Luis was waiting for them, imprisoned for having killed Juan Mackenna in a duel, because Luis considered that the report Mackenna had submitted insulted them. San Martín was faced with the constant undisciplined complaints and actions of the Carreras at a time when, given his plan to cross the Andes, he needed as few distractions as possible. He therefore decided not to support José Miguel Carrera. Nor was he unaware that the Carreras kept friendly ties with his opponents within the Lautaro Lodge.

On his arrival in Buenos Aires, Carrera met Carlos María Alvear, his friend from the days in Cádiz and a bitter enemy of San Martín. The two generals met and renewed their friendship. Although Alvear was a member of the Lautaro Lodge, he was also the founder of Lodge No. 3 of Cádiz, "The Rational Knights", an order to which Carrera is said to have belonged. In addition, an internal dispute within the Lautaro Lodge had divided it between the supporters of San Martín and those of Alvear. Thanks to this connection, Carrera obtained the release of his brother Luis. Shortly afterward, Alvear took power as Supreme Director of the United Provinces. With that, Carrera would have gained decisive support for his aims: to be recognized as the legitimate government of Chile, and to obtain resources for an expedition to Coquimbo, from where he planned to continue the war for independence.

Carrera, by Narciso Desmadryl (1801–1890)

However, the Cabildo of Buenos Aires was dominated by a faction opposed to Alvear, whom many considered a dictator. In April 1815 it removed Alvear from power, ending Carrera's hope of achieving his objectives in Argentina.

United States

With no more resources in Argentina, Carrera decided to appeal to his acquaintances in the United States, mainly Poinsett, who had been his friend when he was in power. So he embarked aboard the Expedition, without money and without speaking English. He managed to master the language during the three months of the sea voyage.

Poinsett introduced him to the then Secretary of State (James Monroe). Through Monroe he obtained an interview with the president of the time, James Madison. Madison excused himself, saying he could do nothing for the liberation of South America, since the United States was then negotiating the purchase of Florida from Spain. Carrera renewed his relationship with another friend, Commodore David Porter, who later helped him during his stay. In addition, in New York he came into contact with several important European military men, who advised him on how to proceed. He was even admitted to the American Masonic Lodge St. John's No. 1 of New York, belonging to the Grand Lodge of New York, on February 24, 1816, as recorded in his diary. This allowed him to make contacts that would be vital to his mission.

Many North Americans were dazzled by Carrera and helped him, both financially and by offering to serve at his side. His bearing, figure and refined manners made him very convincing and worthy of admiration. Meanwhile, in Chile, his father was banished to Juan Fernández and the Carrera family's property was seized by the Spanish.

After a year, José Miguel managed to assemble five vessels: the corvette Clifton, the frigate General Scott, the schooner Davey and the brigs Savage and Regente. He also gathered arms and soldiers for the liberation of Chile.

He arrived back in Argentina on February 9, 1817, as he records in his diary. At that moment the Army of the Andes had begun crossing the cordillera, and the campaign was at a very delicate point. Carrera refused to place his flotilla under San Martín's command, arguing that doing so amounted to deciding in advance the future government of Chile. According to Diego José Benavente, Carrera said: "Then San Martín is not going to liberate the country but to conquer it; he is not going to let the peoples choose their ruler but to impose one". Consequently, the Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, Juan Martín de Pueyrredón, denied passage to him and his fleet. After José Miguel tried to sail without permission, the fleet was seized, and on March 29 he was imprisoned aboard the brig Belén.

In his Manifesto to the Peoples, Carrera says that after the Battle of Chacabuco San Martín visited him on April 15. San Martín explained that his arrest had been due to political reasons, but that there were now no obstacles to his freedom. (Official history has no record of this journey by the Argentine general from Chile to Buenos Aires.) Shortly afterward, through his sister, he was given passports for himself and his brothers. Carrera interpreted this as an attempt to eliminate him: "after this theatrical scene, I no longer doubted that our extermination was intended". Carrera did, however, have his moment of weakness, according to Vicuña Mackenna. Vicuña Mackenna quotes a letter from Carrera to Pueyrredón (dated April 3) in which he says: "As soon as I obtain from Your Excellency my freedom and a passport for foreign ports, and without thinking any more of the career that has forced me into every kind of sacrifice, I shall devote myself to sweetening the bitterness of those who are unhappy because of me". In addition, he was offered an appointment as ambassador to the United States, and his brothers were offered the retention of their military posts if they accompanied him.

In the end, however, Carrera chose to escape shortly before April 18. He did so with the help of the commander of the Belén, Manuel de Monteverde, and the American officer William Kennedy. Aboard a Portuguese brig, he reached Montevideo, where he received the protection of General Carlos Federico Lecor. According to Benavente, he devoted himself "to vindicating his honor, so vilely outraged (….) He wrote a manifesto (…) And he answered every calumny made against him...".

Benjamín Vicuña MacKenna describes Carrera's journey and subsequent asylum in Montevideo as "imprudent". He adds that it shows once again the vehemence that made Carrera act without considering the consequences. This asylum can be seen as disastrous for his political reputation, and possibly as an important factor in the coming execution of his brothers. To paraphrase the English historian Edward Gibbon, one might say that at some point in the period that followed, Carrera ceased to be the author of his destiny and became an actor in the projects of others.

The background was as follows. San Martín and most of the Argentine army were then either in Cuyo (particularly Mendoza), preparing to liberate Chile (see Army of the Andes), or in the northwest of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, guarding against an invasion from Upper Peru. Taking advantage of this, the Portuguese general Lecor had recently invaded the Eastern Province, occupying Montevideo on January 20, 1817, at the head of a monarchist army. At the time Carrera chose to seek asylum under his protection, an invasion of the rest of the United Provinces was feared. Such an invasion was the ultimate intention of the Kingdom of Brazil, under the influence of Princess Carlota. In addition, in Argentina itself there was a strong group of her supporters. In those circumstances, basing himself in Montevideo under the protection of a general leading a monarchist expedition gave obvious grounds for mistrust and suspicion. It has been alleged that this mistrust formed a central part of the intentions of Lecor and his secretary Nicolás Herrera.

The beginnings, however, were good. A group of supporters joined him. Besides Kennedy (the officer who had helped him escape), they included the two Benaventes, Manuel Gandarillas, Pedro Vidal and Camilo Henríquez. Soon afterward his old friend, the former Supreme Director Alvear, also arrived in the city. Alvear had apparently now declared himself a loyal servant of the crown and was promoting federalism. Carrera devoted himself to organizing his plans and preparing his Manifesto to the Peoples of Chile (finished in September 1817 according to Vicuña Mackenna, but published in March of the following year), and to obtaining help for his project.

Although his concrete plans are not known, the many letters he sent to his wife and some other documents give some idea of them. He tells her that it would be enough "to hang four scoundrels", and that "it is a pity that "Riquelme" (O'Higgins) does not have a thousand necks to half pay". He informs her that he has been in contact with Artigas and that "from there, to Chile". He declares that Chile is destined to be part of a confederation of southern America (Proclamation to the Chileans, A Notice to the Peoples of Chile, etc.). He wrote to the U.S., from where he received a letter, dated in Washington on November 15, 1817, and sent through a naval officer of that country's government. It told him that the purpose of the envoys who brought him the letter "is to prepare the way for the recognition of the independence of those countries of South America that are disposed to establish governments in conformity with ours", and that "the favorable moment has arrived; I trust that you will know how to take advantage of it and use all your energy to make it fruitful".

To understand the meaning of this document, some other factors should be borne in mind. The letter is very carefully written, and says nothing that could not be explained as an expression of good wishes to sister countries. In any case, it was not written by a politician of the U.S. government, but by a high-ranking naval officer: David Porter, then a commodore and member of the United States Board of Navy Commissioners, who, it could be argued, was a personal friend of José Miguel Carrera. The official position of the U.S. government was that "at present it is not expedient to recognize the independence of the United Provinces of the Río de La Plata, in consideration both of their interests and those of the U.S." A little later it is revealed what problems caused such inexpediency: Argentina was reluctant to grant the U.S. "most favored nation" status in matters of trade.

The letter refers to "the views of my government regarding South America and yourself". At that time the President of the U.S. was James Monroe, the same man who some years later would announce the doctrine that bears his name, and his Secretary of State, John Quincy Adams, was the real author of that doctrine. A curious underlying similarity can be seen between the letter and the doctrine. Both affirm that, with regard to South America, the U.S. will act without regard to European interests. In fact, the letter sets out the conditions of that doctrine: if England does not become involved, the U.S. will act without regard to those interests.

Carrera received this letter on March 21, 1818. A few days earlier, on March 4, he had finally published his Manifesto to the Peoples of Chile. In it he denies any political ambition and adds that he is driven by no desire for rebellion or revenge. Despite this, the document is a true proclamation of the start of his campaign. Addressed to the "Generous peoples, comrades and companions in arms", it accuses San Martín and O'Higgins of numerous dishonest acts. Among other things, it accuses them of colluding with the monarchists and being their vanguard, in order to "substitute, in its restoration, for the foreign yoke that of their so-called liberators".

José Miguel declares that the aim of publishing the Manifesto is not only to defend his honor but also "at least to warn the Peoples of the dangers surrounding them, and to put them on guard against the nets cautiously laid by the detestable ambition of a domestic enemy disguised as the Paladin of Public Liberty". He adds that "It would not be prudent to keep silent out of delicacy about what must be published out of duty". "We have fought, we have shed our blood to destroy tyranny, not to change tyrants." With this publication and the arrival of the letter from the United States, Carrera's plans, whatever their details, seemed to be beginning to bear fruit.

By that date, however, and apparently without communication with him, his brothers had already decided to act. This proved disastrous both for them and for him.

The death of his brothers

Meanwhile, Juan José Carrera had also been a prisoner, aboard the brig 25 de Mayo. He was released shortly after José Miguel's escape. Luis Carrera was not imprisoned because he was at the house of Doña Quintanilla de Alvear. He lived as a fugitive during that time until his older brother was released.

Juan José and Luis quickly became involved in the so-called "conspiracy of 1817", with the support and possible instigation of their sister, Javiera. The plan was to return to Chile in order to arrest O'Higgins and San Martín, force them to resign, and take power. For this they counted on the support of their partisans in Chile, a group they believed to be considerable and waiting for them.

The plans were well advanced by June 1817, and the conspirators had even divided up the posts of the future government. Manuel Rodríguez would be "dictator in political matters". General Miguel Brayer, who had arrived with José Miguel and was now serving in the liberating army, would be in charge of the army. José Miguel would be sent back to the United States to organize a new fleet. Luis, at the head of one of the armed columns of their partisans to be organized in Santiago, would capture O'Higgins. Juan José, commanding the other, reserved for himself the capture and court-martial of San Martín. At the beginning of that month the conspirators began to travel to Santiago, separately and in small groups. At the end of the month Luis Carrera followed them, disguised as the servant of an officer surnamed Cárdenas. Finally, on August 8, Juan José followed, as the friend and traveling companion of a "printer" (another officer).

Vicuña Mackenna calls the plan, among other things, a "fatal and mad scheme", the product of "a woman's dream" (that is, Doña Javiera's). He adds that when José Miguel found out, he is said to have remarked: "My brothers are lost. They are not men for such enterprises. They have neither discretion nor resources, nor is this the time".

Rational or not, the plan began to fall apart quickly, even before all those involved could cross the cordillera. For some reason, Luis Carrera assaulted a postilion to steal his letters and was arrested in Mendoza. His traveling companion confessed at once, which led to the arrest of Juan José in San Luis on August 20, 1817.

The rest of the conspirators were captured in Chile around February 8, 1818. Numerous Carrera partisans were arrested along with them, including Manuel Rodríguez. There were only twelve conspirators, but Rodríguez may have been aware of the plot. However, he swore not only that he knew nothing, but also that he would never be involved in such maneuvers.

Although the Carreras were held in Mendoza, the relevant documents were sent to Santiago for the attention of O'Higgins and San Martín. In practice, this meant that the trial dragged on indefinitely, as the two generals had other, more urgent concerns. At the same time, according to Vicuña Mackenna, the lack of seriousness of the attempt was becoming evident. Most of the accused, including Manuel Rodríguez, were released. This suggested a lenient outcome for the brothers.

Unfortunately for them, in Mendoza they were further accused of trying to escape with the help of royalist prisoners. They were said to have tried to arm and organize these prisoners in order to overthrow the provincial authorities and invade Chile. Luis Carrera implicitly admitted these charges, which placed him in the dock as a traitor. To make matters worse, the discovery of the attempt coincided with news of the pro-independence defeat at the Surprise of Cancha Rayada (1818). It also coincided with the news that José Miguel's Manifesto had been published (on March 4 of the same year). A royalist invasion was feared, either from Chile or from southern Argentina. The Carreras' ambition for political, military and economic power was getting out of control, and the authorities, justifying themselves by the difficult times, decided to take drastic measures. As a result, in what at best can be called a summary trial, the brothers were found guilty of the crimes of "lesa patria" and "acts against the stronghold". The governor of Mendoza, Toribio Luzuriaga, sentenced them to death (see Barros Arana).

In Montevideo, José Miguel received the news of the execution, which took place on April 8, 1818. This was three days after the Battle of Maipú, which sealed the patriot triumph in Chile, and a little more than a month after the publication of his Manifesto to the Peoples. His reaction leaves little doubt that, despite his assertions that he was convinced their extermination was being sought, he did not expect this outcome.

On the question of Manuel Rodríguez's innocence or guilt on the conspiracy charge, there is an additional element to consider. The regiment of the Hussars of Death, under his command, did not take part in that battle (Maipú). According to the then captain of that regiment, Don Ramón Allende, the officer corps from the rank of captain upward had decided that "the regiment would be preserved at all costs, in the near certainty that Don Juan José and Don Luis Carrera, imprisoned in Mendoza but whose release was imminent, would soon arrive in Chile. In any case Don José Miguel, free in Montevideo, could be counted on. In short, the regiment was to be the basis of a revolution against that order of things, which for them was nothing but a permanent persecution, one that would take on greater proportions once the present situation had passed.".

On learning of the death of the Carrera brothers, Manuel Rodríguez took advantage of an Open Cabildo (April 17) to organize an attempted revolt. He rode on horseback into the Chilean Government Palace at the head of a mob demanding an end to "Argentine meddling" and the abdication of "Huacho Riquelme". As a consequence he was taken prisoner, and it is said that he was tried, though the trial did not bring any concrete facts to light. It should be borne in mind that the regiment's absence from combat could be considered desertion in wartime, a charge that can carry serious consequences. The same can be said of an officer who demands the dissolution of his army and tries to overthrow his government. Shortly afterward the regiment was dissolved. Rodríguez was arrested and, according to many historians, murdered in Tiltil on May 26, 1818.

Carrera after the death of his brothers: his Yo Acuso and "El Hurón"

Putting together everything known about what Carrera did in those days, it is possible to speculate about his strategic plan.

Leaving aside the more "personal" aspects, such as his declared intention "to hang four scoundrels", the substantive facts are these. He was in contact with Alvear, who was now promoting federalism. During 1817 he had been preparing a publicity campaign against the "unitarian" governments in Argentina and Chile. He was in contact with Artigas, one of the main promoters of federalism in the provinces of the Río de la Plata, and according to his plans it would be "from there to Chile". He counted on the support of the United States for establishing governments "in conformity" with that country's. After 1819, he devoted himself to fighting to establish Alvear as president of a federal Argentina.

It therefore seems possible to speculate that the plan was as follows. Through Artigas, he would obtain the support of the Federal League in order to establish Alvear as president of a federation in the United Provinces. He would obtain recognition of that entity from the United States. Then, with the support of those governments and of his partisans among the military and civilians in Chile itself, he would invade that country in order to integrate it into a Southern Federation. In these plans Carrera may have reserved for himself, at least at first, the role of strategic mastermind, in charge of a political campaign and of relations with foreign governments and forces.

It is also possible to see how such plans served the interests of General Lecor. Any division or struggle among the patriot forces would strengthen his military position and could work to the advantage of Luso-Brazilian expansionist interests.

In any case, in 1819 an impassioned Carrera swore revenge for the death of his brothers and of Rodríguez, and for all the hardships his family had had to endure, and he continued his campaign with redoubled ardor. From Montevideo he sent pamphlets to Buenos Aires and to the United Provinces. These advocated a federal state and denounced what Carrera claimed were attempts by José de San Martín and Juan Martín de Pueyrredón to establish a monarchy.

Meanwhile in Chile, the old patrician Don Ignacio de la Carrera, already very weak, was harassed by O'Higgins. First O'Higgins forced him to pay the debt José Miguel had contracted in the United States to arm his fleet, regardless of the fact that Argentina had seized it. Then he forced him to pay the costs of the execution of his sons Juan José and Luis, a final blow that broke his heart. Don Ignacio, aged 86 and with no strength left, gave up on life, and two months after this incident he died, on June 22, 1819.

This only further enraged Carrera, who went on publishing his incendiary texts, among them his Yo Acuso (I Accuse). In response, Isarri created the gazette El Duende, while in the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata the Gaceta de Buenos Aires, directed by Julián Álvarez, was being published. Both discredited Carrera.

In response to the creation of El Duende, Carrera created El Hurón. With this newspaper he sought to discredit the Buenos Aires politicians for their supposed "monarchical intentions", under the slogan of promoting federalism. It was distributed by Carlos Rodríguez (brother of Manuel Rodríguez), the Zamudio brothers, Captain Bustamante and a Franciscan priest named Solano García.

In Argentina

Statue of José Miguel Carrera, moved to the Plaza de la Ciudadanía in Santiago de Chile.

The alliance with Artigas or the Federal League did not materialize on the terms Alvear and Carrera had possibly hoped for. Because of his brothers' actions, Carrera also lacked organized support in Chile, so the plan was seriously threatened. Nevertheless, possibly considering that their activities in Montevideo had already produced all they could, Carrera, Alvear and some of their followers (the Benaventes, Pedro Vidal, etc.) decided to leave Montevideo at the end of 1819, apparently on Artigas's instructions. They joined the attack of the caudillos of Santa Fe and Entre Ríos, Estanislao López and Francisco Ramírez, against Buenos Aires. His biography at the historical research institute that bears his name states that "His pen, wielded with intelligence and audacity, had been the great driving force of the Anarchy of 1820".

Together with Francisco Ramírez of Entre Ríos and Estanislao López of Santa Fe, they planned the attack against the unitarians, and triumphed at the Battle of Cañada de Cepeda on February 1, 1820.

The new Governor of the Province of Buenos Aires, General Manuel de Sarratea, managed to reach an understanding with the federal leaders. Carrera took part in this understanding and his interests were taken into account. According to the biography at the Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, Carrera played a secondary part in the Treaty of Pilar, which put an end to the unitarian Constitution of 1819 and enshrined the federal regime in Argentina. The Treaty granted him soldiers, arms and equipment, with which he organized his new "Restoring Army".

The problem for Carrera was that, although a federal government was established in Argentina, it was not his friend Alvear who was in charge. So although Carrera obtained military forces for his project, they were not enough to achieve his final objectives. Worse still, the new federal authorities in the provinces were not willing to let him cross their territories toward Chile. And the government of Buenos Aires lacked the authority, and possibly the desire, to force them to grant him passage.

In what may be seen as a desperate attempt to achieve his objectives, Carrera persuaded López to convene a cabildo in Luján, at which Alvear was declared Governor of Buenos Aires (July 1, 1819). However, the Cabildo of Buenos Aires refused to recognize his election, and four days later it elected Manuel Dorrego as governor. The future champion of federalism decided to avenge the setback suffered by the Buenos Aires army and launched an offensive against the federal forces. López, apparently not really interested in the matter, had withdrawn behind the Arroyo del Medio. This left the forces of Carrera and Alvear isolated in the town of San Nicolás de los Arroyos, where, after a fierce battle, they were completely defeated. Dorrego informed the Cabildo of Buenos Aires of his victory, noting that "the capture of the body of officers forming Alvear's escort, who were the most obstinate in surrendering, has likewise been the fruit of our enterprise". After this failure, Alvear had to return to Montevideo.

His death

Carrera, in command of a relatively small armed group (about 500 men) and blocked near Buenos Aires, decided to head into the pampas in the hope of crossing the cordillera into Chile. He gained followers among the indigenous peoples, who, according to legend, came to call him "Pichi-Rey" (little king).

The last moments of Carrera, a copy of the oil painting by Blanes made by Agustín Araya (1874–1930), MHN.

He marched on the detention center of Las Bruscas, where "...he freed the Chileans taken prisoner at San Nicolás who were held there, and they agreed to enlist in his ranks under the solemn promise that their freedom would be restored as soon as the capital fell into his hands."

Then, instead of trying to cross the cordillera as he had originally planned, he set about encouraging the indigenous tribes to make war on the civilian populations of the province of Buenos Aires. Naturally, this harmed Carrera's image among both the authorities and the civilian population.

He encouraged the attack by the cacique Yanquetruz on the town of Salto, in Buenos Aires. On December 3, 1820, Yanquetruz and his Indian warriors destroyed a good part of the town, murdering the men and enslaving the women as spoils of war. The towns of Rojas, Lobos and Chascomús were also raided.

In February 1821 he left the encampments of the Ranqueles and set out for Chile. He requested free passage from the governors of Córdoba and San Luis, who refused and confronted him militarily. He defeated the Córdoba governor, General Juan Bautista Bustos, at Chajá, and the governor of San Luis, Colonel Luis Videla, at Ensenada de las Pulgas, and occupied the city of San Luis. He then tried to join the forces of the governor of Entre Ríos, General Francisco Ramírez, but Ramírez did not want to accompany him to Chile. Carrera therefore returned to San Luis after defeating Mendoza forces at Río Cuarto, while Ramírez was defeated and killed at Río Seco on July 10 of the same year. On August 30 Carrera was defeated at Punta del Médano by the forces of Colonel José Albino Gutiérrez.

Execution by firing squad of Carrera and Colonel Felipe Álvarez in Mendoza (lithograph from 1904)

Commemorative plaque for the execution of the Carrera brothers, Plaza Pedro del Castillo, Mendoza (the surname is misspelled "Carreras" for "Carrera").

He tried to fall back to Jocolí with his troops, but was betrayed by some of his followers and officers. After stirring the soldiers to mutiny, they took him prisoner together with José María Benavente and Felipe Álvarez and handed him over to the Mendoza colonel Gutiérrez. He was tried and sentenced to death for numerous crimes. He was shot around noon on September 4 in the main square of Mendoza, by order of Tomás Godoy Cruz. According to the account of Fray Benito Lamas, Carrera showed great personal courage during the execution. He asked not to be blindfolded, to stand, and for the soldiers to aim where his hand was (over his heart), all of which was denied him. He then carefully brushed some specks from the sleeves of his military coat and shouted, "I die for the liberty of America!"

Afterward, according to a letter from John M. Forbes, the United States agent in Buenos Aires, to the U.S. Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, and according to a bulletin published in that city, Carrera's body was mutilated. His head was cut off and displayed in the main square of Mendoza; his right arm was sent to the Governor of Córdoba, and the left to Punta de San Luis. This act was considered one of savage ferocity and caused a feeling of horror in the community. Fray Lamas, however, denies this: "When asked by the writer of this memoir whether it was true, as Mr. Yates says in his diary printed in the appendix to the English work entitled Journal of a Residence in Chile by Mary Graham, London, 1824, that after Don José Miguel Carrera was executed his head and right hand were cut off, he answered me that he had never heard of such a thing, despite having accompanied the general to his execution, residing in Mendoza, and having preached the sermon of thanksgiving for the victory of Mendoza against him, as well as the funeral oration for General Morón". It should be noted that mutilations of this kind were not unknown at the time, as the ruling itself suggests. Carrera himself was no stranger to this "custom". For instance, he ordered the head of Colonel Videla to be cut off after his defeat in the battle for the city of San Luis, in order to present it as a gift to his friend Estanislao López, then governor of Santa Fe. The "José Miguel Carrera" Institute of Historical Research has been trying to establish the facts for some time, but has not yet published any results.

His repatriation took place, in Benavente's words, "when Chile enjoyed the full liberty it had never had and perhaps will not have afterward". Ironically, this was during the presidency of Francisco Antonio Pinto, who is considered responsible for burying federalist tendencies in Chilean politics forever.

Posthumous recognition

Statue of Carrera by Auguste Dumont in San Miguel, Santiago.

Perhaps it is correct to say that, for a long time, the founding figure was seen mainly as a romantic figure in History, a view based not so much on the facts as on a legend that was half fabricated and half spontaneous. Thus, for example, even though it is generally known that the free womb was established in Chile by the First National Congress (an institution that Carrera overthrew because, in his opinion, it was composed of men who were "for the most part ignorant, murderers and lately led by one or two wicked men"), Pablo Neruda implicitly attributes it to Carrera ("You freed the son of the slave.")

"You said Freedom before anyone else, when the whisper went from stone to stone hidden in the courtyards, humiliated You said freedom before anyone else. You freed the son of the slave. Merchants went about like shadows selling the blood of strange seas. You freed the son of the slave." Pablo Neruda, Episode XXIV, from the Canto General (excerpt)

Other pieces of literature delve into Carrera's character and exploits; among them are "Los Húsares Trágicos" by Jorge Inostrosa, as well as the writings of the historian Benjamín Vicuña Mackenna (grandson of Juan Mackenna, whom Luis Carrera killed in a duel). One may also count the Chilean production "Héroes", which, in celebration of the 200 years of Chile's independence, also tells the story of other Chilean founding figures. These and many other works often present as facts the myths and legends surrounding the figure, or give a version of events that borders on the novelistic, distorting or misinterpreting facts in order to give a romantic or "more interesting" angle to the events. Vicuña Mackenna goes so far as to suggest that the plot of 1817 was due to Javiera's wish that her brother Luis marry her daughter, who was in Chile.

Chilean historiography has long been divided between "carrerinos" and "O'Higginists" in a debate that has generally been sterile, focusing on the supposed neglect of Carrera's role in the independence of Chile and on details such as, among others, those already mentioned; a debate that is often expressed in attempts to "restore" the position of one of these figures while carefully omitting the other.

Thus, for example, in recent years the descendants of the Carrera family and of their closest friends "have tried to have Don José Miguel recognized once again as one of the Founding Fathers of Chile, within the context of an emancipation process that was not the work of a single man, but a collective event, the fruit of the efforts of many people, among whom men and women such as Manuel Rodríguez, Ramón Freire, Javiera Carrera, Juan Martínez de Rozas, among others, stand out." It is interesting to note the absence from that list of, among others, both O'Higgins and San Martín.

The "José Miguel Carrera" Institute of Historical Research suggests an approach to this debate that is perhaps more relevant. According to that institute, and in contrast to the well-known political unitarism of O'Higgins and San Martín: "Carrera is also the precursor of the American Union. But a union between sovereign states." This is, in part, the proposal he delivered to Simón Bolívar himself, in a letter sent in 1816 through a relative of Carrera, the famous Chilean cleric José Cortés de Madariaga, who was a leading figure of the independence of Venezuela.

The Chilean Army currently recognizes Don José Miguel Carrera as its first commander-in-chief, and at the most recent handover of command from General Cheyre to General Izurieta, the tradition was begun of handing General Carrera's sword to the new holder of the office.

On November 24, 2005, the Chilean Navy named a Scorpène-class submarine the General Carrera (SS-22), which constitutes another milestone in the historical vindication of the founding figure, as it is the first warship to bear his name.

José Miguel was the grandfather of the hero of the War of the Pacific, Ignacio Carrera Pinto, and had five children.

Bicentennial recognition

On September 2, 2010, then-President Sebastián Piñera led the relocation and inauguration of the equestrian monument to José Miguel Carrera, previously located at the Alameda and Ejército, next to the statue of Bernardo O'Higgins at the Altar de la Patria, in front of La Moneda. This ceremony marked the symbolic reunion of two founding figures of the independence and of the development of Chile as a republican nation.

Portrayals in film and television

The figure of José Miguel Carrera has been brought to film and television in the following audiovisual works:

Year	Title	Director	Actor	Comments
2021	Mitos y Leyendas de Peñaflor	Max Lastra	-	Mitos y Leyendas de Peñaflor is a 6-episode documentary series that gathers part of the cultural heritage of an area rich in intangible heritage, such as Peñaflor. The series was funded by the CNTV. Its episode "Los Próceres" recounts details about the house the Carreras are said to have had in Peñaflor, especially the legend that the spirit of José Miguel Carrera roamed the corridors to meet his young widow.
2007	Héroes	Cristián Galaz	Diego Casanueva	Héroes is a miniseries of Chilean television films, produced by Canal 13. This series is one of the most ambitious projects with which the station intends to commemorate the bicentennial of the beginning of the process that would culminate in Chilean independence. The series consists of six episodes. Its episode "Carrera, el Príncipe de los caminos" begins with Carrera's struggle to attain power and thus start the revolution that would lead the country to independence, contrary to the ideas of some moderates who hoped for a temporary government in the absence of the King of Spain, Ferdinand VII. Carrera finally becomes the ruler of Chile through a coup d'état. However, once in power, José Miguel Carrera faces internal conflicts with the commander of the Army, Bernardo O'Higgins, who signs the truce with the Spanish in the Treaty of Lircay.

See also

• Carrera family
• Father of the nation
• Instituto Nacional General José Miguel Carrera
• First Coup of José Miguel Carrera
• Second Coup of José Miguel Carrera

Bibliography

• Barros Arana, Diego (2002). Historia General de Chile (in español). Santiago de Chile: Editorial Universitaria. ISBN 956-11-1566-2. Volume VIII [2].
• Barros Arana, Diego (2002). Historia General de Chile (in español). Santiago de Chile: Editorial Universitaria. ISBN 956-11-1566-2. Volume IX [3].
• Jocelyn Holt, Alfredo (1999). La Independencia de Chile: tradición, modernización y mito (in español). Santiago de Chile: Editorial Planeta. ISBN 956-247-224-8. 2nd edition.

External links

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José Miguel Carrera

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• Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas "General José Miguel Carrera Verdugo"