Independence of Chile

For other uses, see Independencia (Chile) and the commune of Independencia.

Proclamation and Oath of the Independence of Chile, by Pedro Subercaseaux (1945).

The independence, emancipation or secession of Chile was the process during which that country gave up its status as a kingdom of the Indies of the Hispanic Monarchy and separated from royalist Hispanic America to establish an independent republic.

Historians define this period as the one running from the establishment of the Provisional Governing Junta (September 18, 1810) to the abdication of Bernardo O'Higgins from the office of Supreme Director (January 28, 1823). For most of the process, a civil war was fought between "royalists", supporters of the integrity of the Spanish monarchy, and "pro-independence" forces, supporters of independence.

This period is conventionally divided into three stages: the Patria Vieja (1810–1814), the Reconquista, also called the Monarchical or Absolutist Restoration by some historians (1814–1817), and the Patria Nueva (1817–1823). Meanwhile, the territory of Chiloé was incorporated through the Treaty of Tantauco in January 1826.

Officially, the emancipation of Chile was declared on January 1, 1818, through the Act of Independence of Chile, and sworn on February 12 of the same year. This declaration was recognized by Spain in Madrid on April 25, 1844.

Unrest in Chile

Ferdinand VII of Spain (left) and Joseph Bonaparte (right), monarchs of Spain during the pro-independence events.

Main article: Scorpion Scandal

There were already precedents of pro-independence unrest in Chile (specifically the mutiny of the Three Antonios), but it seems that García Carrasco magnified the problem by taking various arbitrary measures, including the arrest of prominent citizens and their dispatch to Lima. This, added to his involvement in a notorious smuggling case uncovered in Topocalma (the Scorpion Scandal), led to pressure for him to resign, which was finally achieved in 1810.

The most experienced military man in Chile at that time was Mateo de Toro Zambrano, Count of la Conquista, who therefore took command on an interim basis. But the unrest continued owing to the political and military turmoil in Europe: both the King (Charles IV) and his son (the future Ferdinand VII) had abdicated (under duress) in favor of Napoleon, who in turn had installed his brother Joseph Bonaparte, known by the nickname Pepe Botella, as King of Spain. At the same time, the pro-independence ideal was gaining strength, driven both by Enlightenment and liberal ideas and by the development of local social sectors independent of royal patronage or of birth in the Peninsula.

Political currents

Thus, three major currents began to take shape:

• One that may be called conservative monarchist or pro- or proto-Persian, which held that Chile was a colony not only of the King but of Spain, and therefore owed absolute loyalty not only to the King and his authorities but also to the Spanish authorities, whoever they might be (represented at the local level by the Real Audiencia of Chile and the Viceroyalty of Peru).
• Another, which may be called "progressive conciliationist" or "autonomist", asserted that although Chile owed loyalty to the King, this was not through intermediate authorities, since Charles III of Spain himself had declared in 1798 that Chile was independent of the Viceroyalty "as it always should have been understood", and it therefore had the right, like any region or province of Spain, to choose a government it trusted (similar in form to the Juntas being created in Spain) and representatives to the Cortes of Cádiz. It had two branches: a "patriotic monarchist" one, which proposed concentrating on giving the greatest possible help in the face of the Napoleonic Invasion of Spain, and another, more "autonomist" one, which held that this was a good opportunity to establish a New Regime, understood as a constitutional monarchy based on the Bourbon restoration, while giving expression to the liberal distrust of strong central powers; and
• A pro-independence current (called in those days "the exalted ones"), mostly criollos, who asserted that loyalty had been given to a free King, but that now that this person was a prisoner, sovereignty reverted to the people; it included an element called Jacobin that was decidedly "republican".

Pro-independence sentiment, Republicanism, Democracy

It should also be remembered that support for independence is not and was not equivalent to republicanism, nor does it imply that one was or is a supporter of democracy. It is also worth bearing in mind that many people wavered between these positions or held intermediate views. Especially among the "liberals" and the "exalted ones", there were those who wavered between a democratic government and some form of constitutional monarchy.

Consequently, it was not clear what the best solution to the situation was, whether politically or legally speaking. After much hesitation, Mateo de Toro y Zambrano agreed to convene an open cabildo for all the heads of military and religious bodies, prelates and "noble residents" of Santiago, for September 18, 1810, known as the day of the First Government Junta of Chile.

Patria Vieja in Chile

Main article: Patria Vieja (Chile)

First Government Junta.

At the session of September 18, 1810, the supporters of the junta shouted at the top of their voices: "We want a Junta! We want a Junta!". The elderly Mateo De Toro y Zambrano (then 82 years old) agreed and handed over the ceremonial staff, adding: "Here is the staff. Dispose of it and of the command". Seven of the most notable residents of Santiago were elected to the Government Junta, including Mateo de Toro Zambrano as president.

The junta explicitly recognized the sovereignty of Ferdinand VII. The Real Audiencia of Santiago continued to dispense justice in his name, and the officials of the old regime (including military posts) were confirmed in their positions. The junta even formally recognized the Supreme Council of Regency of Cádiz and justified its constitution by noting "that the Regency itself, with its manifesto of the fourteenth of February last, has sent that of the installation of the Junta of Cádiz, advising the Americas that this may serve as a model for the peoples who wish to choose for themselves a representative Government worthy of their trust" (Act of Installation of the Most Excellent Government Junta). No Spaniard or criollo, conformist or not, suffered as a consequence of his political ideals. In this way, the Patria Vieja began.

However, this situation was rather confused and neither contemplated nor resolved the other underlying problem: the exclusion from political life of many in the criollo sector and of all of those of mixed race (the indigenous population was not considered at all). In fact, the "electorate" of the time was restricted, in accordance with the political and legal system of the time, to the "noble residents", a sector made up mostly of those born in Spain, those who considered themselves members of the nobility, and the members of the colonial administrative apparatus at the local level. Imprudently abusing that privilege, the monarchist sector did not consider it necessary to take into account the aspirations of the criollos or to seek a consensus, which led to a sharpening of the "exalted" sentiments of that sector. This situation became obvious with the death of Toro y Zambrano (late February 1811), which allowed Juan Martínez de Rozas, who came to be seen as the leader of the criollos, to increase his power, enabling him to promote other criollos to positions of authority and to request military aid from the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata in its struggle against the monarchy.

Under the influence of Martínez de Rozas, and on the argument that the Junta represented only the residents of Santiago, elections were called to designate a National Congress. However, despite the growing influence of the criollo movement, the general feeling was still that of the moderate tendency that had made itself felt in the election and first acts of the Junta. That being so, it is possible that the political situation would have settled on that compromise, at least until the end of the Napoleonic Wars.

But the Real Audiencia considered the situation in general, and the election in particular, to be anti-monarchical, and conspired with the royalist colonel Tomás de Figueroa, commander of the troops, who on April 1, 1811 rose up with the intention of dissolving the Junta and preventing the elections to Congress. The event, known as the "Figueroa Mutiny", pitted his troops against those of the newly formed Grenadiers No. 1 under the command of Juan Mackenna, fighting in the Plaza de Armas of Santiago, which constitutes the first combat for the independence of Chile.

The mutiny ended with 56 dead and the colonel captured, summarily tried and shot. The Real Audiencia was dissolved and replaced with a Court of Appeals. Continuing the conciliatory spirit that had characterized the movement, the members of the Audiencia were deprived neither of their liberty nor of their property. However, much of the population that remained undecided blamed the monarchist party for the situation and it lost support, with the result that in the elections for Congress the monarchists joined the majority of the conciliationists and, abusing the system, elected all of the monarchist and moderate candidates, around proposals to establish a local government loyal to the monarchy but with some autonomy, and to help Spain in its war of independence. The exalted ones, who preached the independence of Chile, were left in the minority but with growing representation in the criollo and mixed-race sectors. The underlying problems still remained unresolved.

The first debates of the first congress, installed on July 4, 1811, were an expression of this situation, centering on two main areas: the fact that 12 deputies had been elected for Santiago (when the original summons was for 6 per province), and a request from the Regency that Chile contribute to the costs of the war against Napoleon. The "exalted ones" managed to prevent that remittance, arguing that the country was poor and needed the funds. However, their proposal to recognize Coquimbo as a province with the right to elect six deputies was rejected.

This led to two movements with similar intentions but independent of each other. On September 4, 1811, the First coup of Carrera took place; Carrera, only 26 years old, sought to remove from Congress the sectors supporting the old regime. The next day, in what became known as the Revolution of September 5, an open cabildo organized by the exalted ones of Concepción, led by Juan Martínez de Rozas, replaced the former deputies of the province, electing "pro-independence" deputies in their place.

This left Congress with a more progressive majority, giving rise to a stronger expression of the new Enlightenment and liberal spirit, but one still not prepared to formally declare independence. The general sense of loyalty to the King of the Junta's original proclamation was reaffirmed. At the same time, freedom of trade was proclaimed (with some exceptions in favor of textiles) and the Cabildos were reformed, with a decree that the posts of aldermen and others (formerly obtained at public auction) would be elective posts. Some public administration posts considered useless were abolished and the salaries of the rest reduced. Freedom of the press was decreed, and it was established that the clergy would be paid by the treasury (forbidding them to charge the public for their services). The establishment of an arms factory and other necessary institutions was ordered, including the brief publication of what was possibly the first newspaper in Chile: "El Despertador Americano", though it is even doubted whether any issue was ever printed, so "La Aurora de Chile" remains the oldest newspaper in Chile.

Finally, it was the first legislative body in America to take gradual but practical steps to eliminate slavery at the national level (the children of slaves born after the date of its first meeting were considered free persons (freedom of wombs), as would be slaves who entered the country after remaining in it for some time, etc. (See abolitionism). Little of this was different from or contrary, as has been noted, to the principles of the Spanish Enlightenment, principles that until recently the Bourbons themselves had promoted in Spain.

Nevertheless, given the different ideas about the best path to take (whether as a country related in some way to the Crown of Spain or as an independent one), there was a climate of great mistrust and insecurity regarding the intentions of others. Many did not want the absolute power of a King whom they saw as foreign and distant, but others feared that a democracy would inevitably lead to anarchy that would end in a Napoleon-style dictatorship. Some favored a unitary state, while others feared a strong central power and sought a decentralized or regionalist system. There was no shortage of those who saw in "loyalty" to an imprisoned King a way of reimplementing the autarkic customs and laws that until not long before (1791) had given the encomenderos absolute power over their lands, while others sought to promote the new ideals of progress through widespread education and modern and just legislation, etc. (see, for example, Manuel de Salas)

Second intervention of the Carrera brothers

José Miguel Carrera.

These debates, plus a disagreement with the politically dominant sector within that congress (the Los Ochocientos branch of the Larraín family), led José Miguel Carrera on November 15, 1811 (arguing that the country did not have the necessary conditions for a division of powers into executive and legislative branches) to stage another coup d'état which, beginning with a triumvirate, ended up leaving him with total power.

The Carrerino government is generally seen as outright pro-independence (since that was the aim he proclaimed); however, the point is debatable: although the Provisional Constitutional Regulation of 1812 (published on October 27, 1812) stipulates that "no decree, institution or order issued outside the territory of Chile shall have any effect, and those who attempt to give it force shall be punished as criminals against the State", the document begins by specifically establishing that Chile recognizes that "Its King is Ferdinand VII".

This is not to doubt Carrera's pro-independence intentions but to place them in the political context of the time, which was more complex than is generally perceived. Carrera was probably influenced by the discussions of the time in the Peninsula, concerns with which he was familiar given his studies and military career there, especially his stay in Cádiz, where the half-brother of a great friend of his was living at the time (see Joaquín Fernández de Leiva). The Regulation goes on to state that the King "shall accept our Constitution in the same manner as that of the Peninsula. In his name the Superior Governing Junta established in the capital shall govern, being in charge of the internal regime and foreign relations (...)".

Additionally, and in relation to the other underlying problem, the Provisional Regulation establishes (article 24) that "Every free inhabitant of Chile is equal in rights". That declaration ends the regime of privileges in favor of the peninsulares, one of the most deeply felt grievances of the "exalted" sector, especially the criollos and those of mixed race (see also Statutes of purity of blood), but it excludes both slaves and indigenous people. It is also ambiguous in relation to the nobility (Carrera much later accused O'Higgins of being a Jacobin when the latter abolished it).

Thus, in the context of the time, the Constitutional Regulation can be seen simply as a "consensualist" or "autonomist" declaration, seeking to satisfy some of the aspirations while at the same time excluding from government on the one hand, earlier, the hardest-line monarchist sector and, on the other, later, the most "exalted" sector, in order to establish in Chile, based on a reaffirmation of the validity of the edict of Charles III, a "parliamentary monarchy" with a direct relationship with the Crown, independent of other institutions. Something that, had it become reality, might have produced a system similar to the present-day British Commonwealth of Nations (see La Pepa, a constitution for America; consequences of its abolition). However, it is undeniable that his intervention accelerated the movement toward independence.

In any case, it seems obvious that Carrera realized that to move in that direction there was a need both for a national identity different from that of being Spanish or a subject of Spain, and for a politically active sector broader than the customary "noble residents" who until then had been the driving force of the pro-independence process (what came to be known as enlightened opinion), which in turn required a series of progressive measures and institutions. To that end, Carrera established the first national emblems: the flag, coat of arms and cockade of the Patria Vieja. He published the Aurora de Chile, the first Chilean newspaper, in which its first director, Friar Camilo Henríquez, with the collaboration of people such as Antonio José de Irisarri and Bernardo de Vera y Pintado, circulated pro-independence and Enlightenment ideas. He established the Vaccine Board and drew up the project for a Philanthropic Society of Friends of the Country. At the same time, he sought international recognition for Chile's position, which was facilitated by the decision of the U.S. to send a "minister" or consul (Joel Robert Poinsett), who established close relations with Carrera. This was important not only in practical terms for Chile, but for Carrera's future political development, since it established a direct link with liberalism and the American system of government from the very beginnings of the creation of the country. Finally, Carrera founded the Instituto Nacional and the National Library, and opened education to women.

But such pro-independence or Enlightenment reforms do not clarify the character of the government that J. M. Carrera sought, or in what position he saw himself,

Unease increased when the Carrerino government later prohibited criticism of the government, first in November 1812 under penalty of expulsion and exile, and then on March 22, 1813 under penalty of death. At the same time, it publicly warned of punishments for "some young men of immoderate patriotism" and promised that "every individual may complain or denounce; justice will be done to him and secrecy will be kept." These acts began to resemble those of the career of Napoleon, who, proclaiming himself the defender of the citizens' will, came to repress it harshly when he declared himself emperor in 1804.

The actions of the Carreras, especially their way of obtaining power, and their presumed intentions, intimidated many citizens, both in the pro-independence camp and in the conciliatory one. The Carreras could not obtain broader support for their positions, which was not helped by disputes among themselves (apparently over matters of family precedence: the eldest brother was not the one in command), which even led to the temporary withdrawal of one of the brothers from the government, during which there were many accusations of treason and threats of armed solutions to the problems. Even worse, the political disagreements weakened the pro-independence cause politically and militarily, specifically because the Provincial Junta of Concepción refused to recognize the legitimacy of the new Junta led by Carrera (until July 1812), which raised fears of a civil war.

First campaigns of independence

Flag of the Patria Vieja

The situation disturbed not only the Chileans but also the Viceroy of Peru, José Fernando de Abascal y Sousa, Marquis of la Concordia (1806–1816), who at the same time saw an opportunity in the situation: the actions of the Carreras had caused the garrison of Valdivia to end up placing itself under the orders of the Viceroyalty; the members of the Junta of Concepción, which was dissolved, were confined near Santiago, which strengthened the position of the previous authorities in the southern provinces, mostly monarchists. Abascal sent a military expedition under the command of the peninsular officer Antonio Pareja. He landed in Concepción in early 1813, where his troops were welcomed with open arms by the governor of the city, a Spaniard appointed to the post during the colonial period and kept in office by the Carrerino government (see Barros Arana). The war for Chilean independence had begun.

However, Pareja failed in his endeavor, losing all the important armed encounters and being besieged in Chillán, where he died of pneumonia, and so he was replaced by the expedition commanded by Gabino Gaínza. Carrera's poor military leadership (he was taken prisoner) allowed his rival, the republican Bernardo O'Higgins, to rise and take supreme command of the pro-independence forces. The civil government resumed its functioning.

The military campaign continued under the command of O'Higgins (who assumed command on November 24, 1813). Gaínza, believing that the pro-independence forces would be unable to stop him owing to their lack of cavalry, decided to attack Santiago quickly and directly, and managed to cross the Maule River before O'Higgins. The latter, however, with a remarkable tactic, managed to cross the Claro River, a tributary of the Maule, before Gaínza, and entrenching himself at the Quechereguas hacienda, positioned his forces and those of Juan Mackenna in such a way that he cut off Gaínza's path both toward Santiago and toward Concepción. Gaínza was forced to entrench himself in Talca where, lacking supplies for a siege, his defeat was foreseen.

In the face of this, the Viceroy offered terms: free passage for Gaínza and his troops to Talcahuano, from where they would embark for Peru within thirty days, leaving all the fortifications in the state in which they had found them. The Viceroyalty would cease to intervene, but the government of Chile had to commit to sending representatives to the Cortes of Cádiz established in Spain during the captivity of Ferdinand VII and to accept them as the legitimate government. On May 5, 1814 the Treaty of Lircay was accepted by both parties. The prisoners were freed and hostages were exchanged. During this exchange O'Higgins himself offered himself as one, but this did not come about. The following coincidence is worth considering: the previous day, May 4, 1814, Ferdinand VII promulgated a decree that restored the absolute Monarchy in Spain and declared null and void all the work of the Cortes of Cádiz. By extension, that decree implies that all the conciliationist proposals would be invalid or in vain. That includes the treaty itself, which establishes that the government of Chile recognizes the authority of the very institution that Ferdinand had just declared null. Obviously this was not known in Latin America at that date.

At the same time, in Chile, political sentiments had changed as a consequence of the war. Pro-independence ideas had gained acceptance, and many perceived the Treaty as a lost opportunity to achieve independence once and for all. The Carreras were released by the royalists as a way of sowing discord among the secessionists, which they achieved, since the Carreras took advantage of this frustration and on July 23 staged a new coup and seized power.

Osorio's campaign and the end of the Patria Vieja

This time the mistrust of sectors of the population toward the intentions of the Carreras materialized. Part of the civil government escaped to Talca, where they asked O'Higgins to restore democratic government. Civil war seemed imminent, since the first blows had already been struck at the Combat of Tres Acequias, where the opposing troops clashed near Santiago, with a relative victory for Luis Carrera over O'Higgins. At that point a messenger arrived with an official letter from Abascal, the Viceroy of Peru, dated August 28, 1814.

In that document it became evident that Abascal refused to recognize the terms of the treaty and continued to assert that the only solution was unconditional surrender to the forces of a new military expedition under the command of General Mariano Osorio; otherwise the latter would come "with sword and fire, to leave no stone upon stone in the towns that, deaf to my voice, wish to follow their own blind will".

It should be noted that such threats came in a letter from Osorio (addressed "To those who rule in Chile") dated August 20, which gave a peremptory deadline of ten days for such surrender. In other words, by the date the document was received, the deadline had already passed, leaving no recourse but war. On the Spanish side only Gaínza retained any honor, since he did in fact withdraw to Peru, but even he broke his word, since with various excuses he remained in Talcahuano for more than the two months that had been agreed as the deadline for the departure of himself and his troops, until the arrival of Osorio and his reinforcements. Abascal's stratagem was so well organized that those troops were already at the height of San Fernando, about 120 kilometers south of Santiago, when the documents were received.

Given the new situation, the secessionists (because despite their differences both O'Higgins and the Carreras sought independence) joined forces and O'Higgins placed himself under the command of Carrera's forces. However, strategic (and possibly personal) differences made themselves felt almost immediately. O'Higgins favored giving battle on the bank of the Cachapoal, while the Carreras preferred the Angostura de Paine. Both plans sought to gain time to re-form the regiments that had been disbanded after the Treaty of Lircay. Given Osorio's proximity, that time was essential. A general agreement was reached: O'Higgins, with his 900 men, would try to prevent Osorio and his more than 4,000 soldiers from crossing the Cachapoal, falling back toward Angostura if necessary with the support of the troops under the command of Luis Carrera, while José Miguel Carrera organized the defense in Santiago.

O'Higgins could not stop Osorio on the bank of the Cachapoal and was forced to fall back to Rancagua, where he entrenched himself, joining a faction under the command of Juan José Carrera. Curiously, command belonged to the latter, since he outranked O'Higgins, but he handed it over to O'Higgins and stayed in the church of Rancagua.

The plan was to give the troops commanded by Luis Carrera (1,500 in number) the opportunity to attack the Spaniards from behind. However, José Miguel Carrera, who took direct command, either misinterpreted the situation or was waiting for the withdrawal toward Angostura and, although he advanced to very near the fighting, which lasted two days, he did not intervene. According to independent sources, that advance caused Osorio to give the order to retreat, an order that was rescinded when Carrera's attack did not materialize. The result was the Disaster of Rancagua (October 1–2, 1814), where the Peruvian royalists occupied, recovering their captaincy for 3 years. The abuses were not few and entail a tragic history for the Peruvian captaincy (Captaincy General of Chile) -

The Disaster of Rancagua caused panic in Santiago. The plans to defend Angostura and Santiago itself were forgotten, and the insurgents abandoned the city to flee toward Argentina, accompanied by some of the conciliationist junta supporters fearful of reprisals. The rest of the monarchists prepared to welcome Osorio's forces with open arms. They, like the monarchists in Rancagua, who had given help to the Spanish forces, soon realized their mistake. The Spanish troops had really come with the intention of meting out punishment. And those who suffered the worst depredations were those who were present when those troops entered the reconquered cities.

Thus ended the period called the Patria Vieja, not only with a military disaster, but with a disaster that put an end, on the one hand, to the possibility of an agreement between the Peruvian captaincy and the nineteenth-century Spanish monarchy (Viceroyalty of Peru), and, on the other, to the political ambitions of the Carreras. That disaster also buried, even before it was born, the possibility of federalism or constitutional monarchy (if anyone was seeking them) in Chile.

Absolutist plan

Main article: Reconquista (Chile)

Casimiro Marcó del Pont.

Viceroy Abascal confirmed Mariano Osorio as Governor of Chile, but in 1815 a dispute between Osorio and Abascal led to the removal of the former, and Casimiro Marcó del Pont was appointed Governor. The monarchists, continuing the policy they had practiced against the peninsular juntas and the so-called afrancesados (a term that included the "liberals") after the restoration of Ferdinand VII (a King who began by being called "The Desired" and ended up known as "The Felon"), deemed it necessary to administer a good lesson to the population in general, and so a political persecution began under a Vigilance Tribunal, headed by the Captain of the Talavera de la Reina Regiment, Vicente San Bruno. These were the times that reputedly led Talleyrand to observe that the Bourbons remembered everything, but learned nothing.

Abuses of all kinds, including rapes and murders, were systematically practiced by the men of Talavera. The monarchist government offered an amnesty, but exiled to the Juan Fernández archipelago those who accepted it, mostly members of the conciliationist camp, among them several members of the Junta of 1810, including elderly and sick men. The "infidentes", as the insurgents or those suspected of being so were called, who did not turn themselves in voluntarily, were arrested and locked up in the Santiago jail, where they were murdered in cold blood.

Plan of Reconquest

Manuel Rodríguez.

A good number of insurgents (among them Carrera and O'Higgins) were already in exile in Mendoza (Argentina), where José de San Martín was governor. He immediately favored O'Higgins, probably because of both men's connections with the Lautaro Lodge, which worked at the Hispanic American level to obtain independence, as well as because of the discredit suffered by the Carreras since the disaster of Rancagua and, finally and perhaps mainly, because of a series of attitudes on the part of the Carreras that were interpreted as an attempt to disregard the Argentine authorities in general and that of San Martín in particular (see, for example, Barros Arana. Historia General de Chile. Tomo 10, chapter III, points 4, 5, 6, 7. pp. 135–150 approx.). Carrera's fate would grow steadily worse, and he finally ended up being shot in 1821.

(There is more recent evidence implying that San Martín and Carrera already knew each other from their time in Spain at the beginning of the Napoleonic Wars, a situation in which J. M. Carrera, wanting to change military units in order to fight at the front, committed an offense and was detained: the officer in charge of his arrest would have been José de San Martín himself . In the end, Carrera managed to fight and distinguished himself in battle, as did the Argentine.)

But in addition, by that time San Martín was preparing a plan to invade Peru by way of Chile. With the defeat of the pro-independence movement in Chile, San Martín now had to consider the need to liberate Chile in order then to reach Lima. For the organization of the army he now counted on part of the émigré insurgents led by O'Higgins, who joined the Army of the Andes as a Brigadier. The Chilean historian P. Guzmán, in his book "Historia de Chile" (vol. I, p. 400), refers in detail to the emancipating enterprise:

"No sooner had the Chilean fugitives gathered in Mendoza than they set about putting into effect the grand project of recovering their beloved homeland; but their present weakness not corresponding to their ardent desires, they appealed to the supreme government of Buenos Aires, which at that time was held by D. Ignacio Álvarez and later occupied by Señor de Pueyrredón, requesting its aid and powerful protection to achieve so great an enterprise. The Argentine superior authority, moved by the sad situation of the Chileans, generously issued timely measures, entrusting to Mr. D. José de San Martín, in Mendoza, the organization of the troops and appointing him at the same time General in Chief of that expedition.

The most excellent government of Buenos Aires was certainly not mistaken in the choice of our general, and no doubt chose him as leader because it was already convinced of his skill and military talents, which he had perfected in the war in the Peninsula, where he had distinguished himself among the most outstanding officers. Indeed, as soon as he was given the post of general of the new expedition, His Excellency devoted himself to forming some companies of recruits, and applied himself with such zeal to disciplining his men that in a short time he was able to form an army capable of measuring its strength against the royalist army of Chile, with only the small reinforcement of four hundred fifty men of Battalion No. 1 and two hundred of the regiment of mounted grenadiers that came to him from Buenos Aires.

Although news of these war preparations in Mendoza reached Santiago, the royalists mocked the project and attributed it, some to falsehood and others to an imaginary delirium in the fantasy of the fugitives; however, when Marcó later obtained through his spies more detailed news that assured him of its truth, it caused him great concern and no less confusion, for he did not know the exact point by which the restoring army would come. It then consisted of nearly four thousand line troops, while Marcó's royalist forces amounted to seven thousand six hundred and thirteen men, not counting the armed militias on pay. To counterbalance the inequality of forces, General San Martín set out to force Marcó to divide his own by means of a ruse of war.

As part of the so-called "Guerra de Zapa", the lawyer Manuel Rodríguez Erdoíza was tasked with starting a series of guerrilla activities that would unsettle the royalists, make San Bruno look ridiculous, and raise morale. In this way, Rodríguez became a sort of romantic hero of independence, recognized by the people, who protected him and gave him support and affection. One of his most celebrated exploits, probably fanciful but deeply rooted in the popular soul, was disguising himself as a beggar and obtaining a coin in charity from Governor Marcó del Pont himself, who had put a price on Rodríguez's head; he later returned it to him with a satirical note. Rodríguez continued his guerrilla actions in every corner of the country, sending San Martín information on the state of the Spanish forces, and without being captured until the royalist army found itself too exhausted and reduced. Manuel Rodríguez's group of armed guerrillas was made up mainly of the band of outlaws of José Miguel Neira.

In December 1816 the Army of the Andes completed its formation, and in January 1817, with the backing of the Supreme Director of the United Provinces of the Río de la Plata, Juan Martín de Pueyrredón, it began the Crossing of the Andes to liberate Chile. Crossing the cordillera by several passes (see San Martín routes), more than 4,000 men with cavalry and artillery completed the feat without casualties at altitudes of more than four thousand meters. The army reunited on February 8 in the village of Curimón, where the Franciscan order made available the inner gardens of its convent, in the Aconcagua valley north of Santiago.

On February 12 the Battle of Chacabuco began. In it, San Martín's Army of the Andes measured its strength against the royalist army of Rafael Maroto, who suffered a decisive defeat. Another epic charge by O'Higgins, followed by the battalions of "blacks" (among whom soldiers of that ethnicity, mestizos and mulattoes abounded), broke the lines of the hated Talaveras Regiment and overcame the royalist resistance. Captured on the battlefield, the infamous Captain San Bruno was summarily tried and executed.

The battle allowed the rebels to establish themselves in Santiago. With the assembly convened under the presidency of Governor Francisco Ruiz Tagle, chosen on an interim basis by the people at the time of Marcó del Pont's flight, those present declared by acclamation that the unanimous will was to name José de San Martín governor of Chile with all-embracing powers, and so they recorded it in the minutes that were drawn up and that all signed before a notary public. The general, faithful to his instructions, and to his political plan, refused to accept the command offered to him ("Chile must be governed by a Chilean") and, through the Cabildo, convened a new popular assembly attended by 210 notable residents. The auditor of the Army of the Andes, Dr. Bernardo de Vera y Pintado, publicly reiterated San Martín's refusal, and General O'Higgins was acclaimed on the spot as Supreme Director of the State of Chile, Vera declaring that the choice was to the liking of General San Martín.

The new Director appointed as minister of the interior Miguel Zañartu, a man of solid character and a decided supporter of the Chilean-Argentine alliance, and to the department of war and navy Lieutenant Colonel José Ignacio Zenteno, San Martín's secretary.

Patria Nueva (1817–1823)

Main article: Patria Nueva

Bernardo O'Higgins as Supreme Director.

The new Viceroy of Peru, Joaquín de la Pezuela (1816–1821), decided to turn to Mariano Osorio, sending him another expeditionary force. Osorio landed in Concepción and recruited huge numbers of troops. Meanwhile, Bernardo O'Higgins fell back further north, trying to slow the royalist advance in some way, and was surprised and heavily defeated at Cancha Rayada. In the confusion, a rumor spread that O'Higgins had died, and panic spread among the insurgents, many of whom even prepared to cross the Cordillera again toward Mendoza. In such critical circumstances, Manuel Rodríguez harangued the people, shouting to them: "We still have a homeland, citizens!", and named himself Supreme Director; he would remain in office exactly 30 hours, the time it took O'Higgins to return to Santiago and take command again.

Posthumous portrait of the founders of the Republic of Chile. From left to right: José Miguel Carrera, Bernardo O'Higgins, José de San Martín, Diego Portales

Wounded after Cancha Rayada, O'Higgins delegated command of the pro-independence troops to San Martín. San Martín gathered them on the plains of Maipú, on the outskirts of Santiago. In the Battle of Maipú, fought on April 5, 1818, the artillery of Borgoño and the Cavalry of Colonel Santiago Bueras, who died in the battle, distinguished themselves, while the Battalion of Blacks of Mendoza gave their lives to the last man in the midst of the fighting. The royalists, on the other hand, lost the "Infante Don Carlos" and "Burgos" regiments (the battle cry of the latter was "19 battles won, none lost!").

San Martín inflicted such a severe defeat on Osorio that he chose to return to Concepción; the royalists would no longer attempt another incursion on Santiago, and with this independence was secured. In the final moments of the battle, with the royalists already in retreat, O'Higgins arrived with reinforcements of scattered troops, armed peasants, children and even women, who pursued the Spaniards as far as the houses of Lo Espejo. In honoring San Martín as the savior of the homeland, the two greeted each other in what would become known as the Embrace of Maipú.

O'Higgins also promoted the development of the First National Squadron, to prevent new Spanish expeditions from Peru. It would be precisely this squadron that carried out the Secessionist Expedition of Peru. To fill the post of admiral, he called on the Scotsman Lord Thomas Cochrane. Cochrane dealt a decisive blow to the royalists when, in 1820, he seized the system of forts of Valdivia in the famous Capture of Valdivia; he then sent a small force under Jorge Beauchef to pursue the royalist army fleeing from Valdivia toward Chiloé and in the process to occupy the cities located further south of Valdivia (among them Río Bueno and Osorno), concluding his campaign with the Combat of El Toro in March 1820.

Also from Valdivia, Cochrane headed for Chiloé; but he failed in a land attack on Ancud and therefore had to return; thus by 1820, after the combat of El Toro, the Chilean presence in the southern region also began to be consolidated, except still in Chiloé.

With regard to securing independence, San Martín also undertook a series of wars against the montoneras, groups of outlaws, royalists and Indians who had taken advantage of the chaos of the military expeditions and the forced recruitments to devote themselves to pillage and plunder. This became known as the war to the death, because neither the montoneras nor the regular soldiers took prisoners; once the band of Vicente Benavides was wiped out in 1822, the pacification of the Concepción region was secured.

In any event, San Martín and O'Higgins agreed that the danger would not cease until the Viceroyalty of Peru itself was independent of Spain. They therefore prepared the Secessionist Expedition of Peru, with ships and soldiers. San Martín and Cochrane were sent to Peru in 1820. However, Cochrane's confident and daring character clashed with San Martín's excessive caution. San Martín let slip several opportunities to deal the Viceroy the definitive blow, but he began the pro-independence process of Peru while avoiding greater bloodshed and entered Peru at the head of the victorious army; however, Peru, by its historical nature, disdained these acts because most people did not want the so-called independence planned by its former territories, which were armed and supported by Freemasonry and England. Chile, a Peruvian captaincy, as well as the rest of the territories that belonged to Peru, acted as a traitor (there were reasons for it) but they doomed themselves to failure. The captaincy went from being a Peruvian governorate to an Anglo-Saxon one; there was no independence, although through entropy Peru will surely reconstitute itself and the people in Chile (Peruvian governorate) and the rest of Peru will create a better future. Some time later independence was declared, although the north of the country still remained to be liberated. Being unable to reach an agreement on the way to achieve this because of the differences and conditions demanded by the man in charge of the army that had been carrying out the emancipating campaign from the north, he finally met with Simón Bolívar (who was coming down from Colombia) and withdrew from Peru; Peruvian independence would be completed after the Battle of Ayacucho on December 9, 1824, fought by Sucre, a lieutenant of Bolívar.

O'Higgins governed until 1823, but his strong and authoritarian character, the deaths of the brothers Juan José and Luis Carrera in Mendoza in 1818 and the later murder of Manuel Rodríguez that same year, together with an unpopular tax and fiscal policy, made him numerous enemies: the definitive abolition of slavery and the decree ordering the removal, under harsh penalties, of all noble coats of arms and symbols earned him powerful enemies. The death of José Miguel Carrera himself in Mendoza and some excesses committed by those close to him ended up undermining his power.

In early 1823 an uprising in the south by his former comrade Ramón Freire was supported by almost the entire national political spectrum, and O'Higgins, true to his character, wanted to resist by force of arms, but at the last moment changed his mind, and on January 22, 1823 he presented himself at the Cabildo that accused him, where, invoking his past glories, he renounced command to avoid Civil War and then, dramatically, tore open his shirt and bared his chest, offering it to the vengeance of his adversaries: he would leave amid cheers.

Completion of the independence process

In Chilean historiography the Patria Nueva is made to end in 1823, with the resignation of O'Higgins.

Regarding the territory south of the Biobío River and the Araucanía region, in January 1825 a general parliament (the Parliament of Tapihue) was held with the Mapuche who inhabited this area in order to agree on the statute that would regulate relations between the nascent republic and the Mapuche people; however, the definitive inclusion of this territory in Chile (which would give effective territorial continuity to Chilean territory) would be the product of the conflict known as the Pacification of Araucanía.

Finally, with regard to O'Higgins's vision concerning Patagonia and the Strait of Magellan (where Spanish dominion had not really been sufficiently recognized by other European nations), it would only be fulfilled in 1840 with the beginning of the implementation of the plans for the Taking of Possession of the Strait of Magellan, thereby consolidating the territorial expansion of Chile toward this area.

See also

• Chilean War of Independence
• Background of the independence of Hispanic America
• Fiestas Patrias in Chile

External links

• Independencia de Chile on Spanish Wikisource
• La independencia de Chile at EducarChile
• La Independencia de Chile at Historia del Nuevo Mundo.