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Inca Empire
Inca Empire Tawantinsuyu | |
|---|---|
| 1438–1533 | |
 Flag | |
.svg) Maximum extent of the empire at the end of the reign of the Inca Huayna Cápac | |
| Status | Pre-Columbian empire |
| Capital |  Cusco (1438–1533) |
| Common languages | Classical Quechua |
| Other languages | Aymara, Puquina, Chimú, Chacha, Cacán, Aranqui, Pasto, Esmeraldeño, Tallan, Culli, Mochica, Chipaya, Uru, Kunza, Cañari, other pre-Inca languages |
| Religion | Inca religion |
| Demonyms | Inca, hatunruna |
| Government | Absolute monarchy (some consider it a diarchy) |
| Inca | |
| Pachacútec | |
• 1478 | Amaru Inca Yupanqui |
| Túpac Inca Yupanqui | |
| Huayna Cápac | |
| Huáscar | |
| Atahualpa (disputed Inca) | |
| Historical era | Pre-Columbian America |
• Creation of the empire under Pachacútec | 1438 |
| 1529–1532 | |
| 1533 | |
| Area | |
| 1530 | 2,500,000 km2 (970,000 sq mi) |
| Population | |
• 1530 | 10,000,000 |
The Inca Empire or Incan Empire was the largest empire in Pre-Columbian America.[2] The territory covered by the empire was called Tahuantinsuyo (in Quechua: Tawantin suyu, lit. 'the four regions or divisions'), and the period of its rule is known as the Incanato or Incario. It arose in the region of the Peruvian Andes between the 15th and 16th centuries as a consequence of the expansion of the Curacazgo of Cuzco, being the second historical stage and the period of greatest splendor of the Inca civilization. It covered nearly three million km² between the Pacific Ocean to the west and the Amazon rainforest to the east, from the Ancasmayo River (Colombia) in the north to the Maule River (Chile).
In the mid-15th century, the origins of the empire go back to the victory of the multi-ethnic groups led by Pachacútec over the Chanca confederation at Yawarpampa in 1438. After the victory, the Inca curacazgo was reorganized by Pachacútec, under whom the Inca Empire began a stage of continuous expansion, which continued with his son the tenth Inca Amaru Inca Yupanqui, then with the eleventh Inca Túpac Yupanqui, and finally with the twelfth Inca Huayna Cápac, who consolidated the territories. In this stage the Inca civilization achieved the maximum expansion of its culture, technology and science, developing its own knowledge and that of the Andean region, as well as assimilating that of other conquered states.
After this period of splendor the empire went into decline due to various problems, the main one being the confrontation over the throne between the sons of Huayna Cápac: the brothers Huáscar and Atahualpa, which even led to a civil war. Among the Incas, smallpox killed the Monarch Huayna Cápac, provoked the civil war prior to the Hispanic arrival, and caused a demographic disaster in the Tahuantinsuyo. Atahualpa would finally prevail in 1532. However, his rise to power coincided with the arrival of the Spanish troops under the command of Francisco Pizarro, who captured the Inca and later executed him. With the death of Atahualpa in 1533, the Inca Empire came to an end. However, several rebel Incas, known as the "Incas of Vilcabamba", rebelled against the Spaniards until 1572, when the last of them, Túpac Amaru I, was captured and beheaded.
The Incas regarded their king, the Sapa Inca, as the "son of the sun." Many local forms of worship persisted in the empire, most of them related to the sacred local Huacas, but the Inca leaders encouraged the sun worship of Inti—their sun god—and imposed its sovereignty above other cults such as that of Pachamama.
The Inca economy has been described in contradictory ways by scholars: as "feudal, slave, socialist. The Inca Empire functioned largely without money and without markets. Instead, the exchange of goods and services was based on reciprocity between individuals, groups and Inca rulers. 'Taxes' consisted of a labor obligation of a person to the Empire. The Inca rulers (who theoretically owned all the means of production) reciprocated by granting access to land and goods and providing food and drink at the celebrations of their subjects.
History
Historical sources
The European chronicles on the Inca Empire
The first written records of the Inca Empire are the chronicles recorded by various European authors (later there were also mestizo and Indigenous chroniclers who also compiled the history of the Incas); these authors compiled the "Inca history" based on accounts gathered throughout the empire.[3] The first chroniclers had to face several difficulties in translating Inca history since, besides the existence of a language barrier, they faced the problem of interpreting a way of seeing the world totally different from the one they were accustomed to.[3] This led to several contradictions among the viceregal texts, and one example of this is represented by the chronologies of the Inca rulers; thus, in many chronicles the same feats, deeds and episodes are attributed to different rulers.[3]
Regarding the chronicles of the Inca Empire, it is important to note that their various authors had certain interests in writing them. In the case of the Spanish chroniclers, their interest was "to legitimize the conquest through history"; to this end, many chronicles state that the Incas conquered entirely through violence and therefore had no rights over the conquered territories. In another case, the chroniclers linked to the Catholic Church sought to legitimize evangelization by describing the Inca religion as the work of the devil, the Incas as sons of Noah, and by trying to identify the Inca deities with biblical beliefs or European folklore.[3] Likewise, there were other mestizo and Indigenous chroniclers who also had an interest in exalting the empire or one of the panacas to which they were related, as in the case of the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, who in his work "Comentario reales de los incas" showed an idealized Inca Empire where there was no poverty, wealth was shared and resources were exploited rationally.[4]
The Inca historical sources
The ayllus and panacas had special songs through which they narrated their history. These songs were performed at certain ceremonies before the Inca. These accounts, as a form of collective memory, constitute the first historical records collected in the chronicles.[3]
Another resource used to record history were mantles and boards containing paintings representing heroic episodes. These documents were kept in a place called Poquen Cancha. It is known that Viceroy Toledo sent King Philip II four cloths illustrating the life of the Incas, adding in his own words that "the Indian painters did not have the curiosity of those over there."[3]
In addition, some past events were stored in the quipus; although it is not known how they could use these systems of cords and knots to store historical events, there are several chronicles describing that the quipus served to evoke the feats of the rulers.[3]
In general, in the Inca Empire the events that seemed important to remember were remembered, and precision was not necessary. In addition, the rulers could order the intentional exclusion from the historical records of some events that might bother them. María Rostworowski calls this quality of Inca history a "political amnesia" which was assumed by all the common people but which was remembered by the affected panacas or ayllus, this being a factor that contributed to the later contradictions in the European chronicles about the Incas.[3]
The reinvention of traditions
After the encounter of the Hispanic and Andean cultures, writing was established as a means of transmitting and recording information; in addition, a process of mestizaje and syncretism began, which gave rise to the re-creation of traditions and the invention of others.[3]
The contribution to this re-creation and invention of traditions was both Hispanic and Andean; this is evident in the chronicles of the 16th century, where characters such as Tunupa and Huiracocha are described alongside the apostles Thomas and Bartholomew, describing them as white, bearded men who imparted teachings. Likewise, the European imagination sought, and even believed it had found, "El Dorado" and the "land of the Amazons" in the New World. In other cases, they claimed that Cuzco had the outline of an American lion (puma), drawing similarities with some cities of the European Renaissance that had a lion-like outline.[3] More recently, in the 20th century, other elements of this reinvention of traditions appear, such as the cases of the flag of the Inca Empire and the Cuzco ceremony of Inti Raymi.[5] It should be noted that all these reinventions are part of a natural process in all cultures, but to understand Inca history it is necessary to distinguish which aspects are syncretic or invented and which are not.[3]
Background to the founding of the Inca Empire
Around the year 900 AD the decline of the Huari and Tiahuanaco states began in the central Andean area. In the case of Huari, the city of Wari began to lose political power in contrast to some of its peripheral cities, as shown by the case of Pachacamac, located facing the sea.[6] Meanwhile, in the case of Tiahuanaco, the process of decline began in its coastal colonies in a bloody manner, as shown by the case of Azapa;[7] in the Collao, on the other hand, Tiahuanaco gradually lost its power, and as it lost hegemony its population emigrated and founded new settlements.[7]
As a hypothesis for the decline of Huari and Tiahuanaco, there is evidence of a prolonged period of drought that lasted from 900 AD to 1200 AD in the central Andes.[6] Archaeologically, there is evidence of long migratory processes of population along the Andes during the post-Huari and post-Tiahuanaco periods. Archaeology reveals that in the inter-Andean valleys the population built its settlements on hilltops seeking security, which speaks to us of a prolonged period of ethnic confrontations. On the coast, meanwhile, several groups achieved political stability, as shown by the cases of the Chincha, the Chimú and the Ichsma.[6]
This historical period was captured in Andean legends and myths in different ways. The oral traditions of the Andes refer to the fact that in the beginning the peoples made long journeys searching for fertile lands, with mythical heroes emerging who were, in general, semi-divine and who were guided by supernatural beings (the sun, the moon, etc.). These mythical heroes generally had some power. In this way the figures of Manco Cápac arose, in the founding case of Cuzco, or Pariaccaca in the case of Huarochirí.[4]
The mythical origins
There are two widespread myths about the origin of the Cuzco ethnic group. The most widespread is the Garcilasian version of the couple Manco Cápac and Mama Ocllo; the other is the myth of the four Ayar brothers and their four sisters, the latter myth being collected by Betanzos, Valdemar Espinoza, Cieza de León, Guamán Poma de Ayala, Santa Cruz Pachacuti and Sarmiento de Gamboa.[4]
The legend of Manco Cápac and Mama Ocllo
A legend compiled by the chronicler Inca Garcilaso de la Vega in his work "Los comentarios reales de los incas". It narrates the adventure of a couple, Manco Cápac and Mama Ocllo, who, sent by the Sun god, emerged from the depths of Lake Titicaca (pacarina: sacred place of origin) and marched northward. They carried a golden staff, given to them by the Sun god; the message was clear: in the place where the golden staff sank, there they would found a city, there they would settle. The staff sank precisely on Guanacaure hill, in the Acamama valley; therefore, the couple decided to remain there and informed the inhabitants of those areas that they had been sent by the god Inti; and then they proceeded to teach them the cultivation of the land and weaving. In this way the Inca civilization would begin.
The other explanation, not legendary but historical, and therefore more in accordance with reality, was proposed by Valdemar Espinoza, who argued as follows: "at the end of the aforementioned century (12th century), the Puquina-speaking state, more commonly called Tiahuanaco, was assaulted and invaded by immense human waves coming from the south (from Tucumán, Coquimbo) so suddenly and impetuously that they left it no time to mount a resistance. Such invaders, by all appearances, were none other than the Aymara." This version makes it clear to us that the founders of Inca society came from the south and fled the Aymara onslaught.
Almost entirely, the Hanan Taipicala elite were annihilated, and the hurin Taipicala, a priestly elite, managed to flee and take refuge on the islands of Lake Titicaca. From there they then advanced to the valley, where the native inhabitants such as the Huallas, Alcahuisas, Sahuaseras, Antasayac, Lare, Poque, Pinaguas and Ayamarcas opposed their settlement; to overcome this conflict, the Puquina elite carried out multiple strategies, one of them being marriage alliance, later becoming a confederation of states and finally a great Andean empire.
The legend of the Ayar Brothers
It was compiled by several chroniclers, among them Juan de Betanzos, Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala, Pedro Cieza de León, Juan Santacruz Pachacuti and Pedro Sarmiento. According to this myth, the story began in three caves located on Tamputoco hill called Maras Toco, Sútic Toco and Cápac Toco, from which three groups called Maras, Tampus and Ayar emerged. The Ayar brothers were four men and four women; the men were Ayar Uchu, Ayar Manco, Ayar Cachi and Ayar Auca. Uchu corresponds to chili pepper, Manco to a cereal (Bromus Mango) and Cachi to salt; the onomastics of these three names suggest to us a cult of the products of the earth. Auca, on the other hand, referred to a warlike attitude.[4]
These 4 brothers were accompanied by their sisters Mama Ocllo, Mama Raua, Mama Ipacura or Mama Cura, and finally Mama Huaco.[4]
The 8 siblings traveled together with their ayllus looking for a place to settle, journeying from south to north; along the way they carried out agricultural work, and when they harvested they moved on looking for another place. First they passed through Guaynacancha, where Mama Ocllo became pregnant by Ayar Manco. Then they advanced to Tamboquiro, where Sinchi Roca was born. Later they reached Pallata and from there Haysquisrro; these journeys lasted several years.[4]
In Haysquisrro they conspired against Ayar Cachi; fearful of the power he held, since he could knock down hills and form ravines with a shot of his sling, they asked him to return to Tambotoco to collect the topacusi (golden vessels), the napa (insignia) and some seeds; once he was inside, an envoy named Tambochacay shut him inside the cave.[4]
They then continued their journey to Quirirmanta, where they held a council deciding that Ayar Manco would be the chief but that he first had to marry Mama Ocllo; meanwhile Ayar Uchu would have to become petrified and transformed into a huaca that would be called Huanacauri; with this act Ayar Uchu would become a sacred being.[4]
The journey continued to Matagua, where the huarachicuy was performed for the first time, after which they pierced the ears of Sinchi Roca. After this Mama Huaco tried her luck and threw two golden staffs; one fell in Colcabamba but failed to penetrate the ground; the other fell in Guaynapata, sinking gently. Regarding this event, other authors attribute the throwing of the golden staff to Ayar Manco, but all agree that it was in Guaynapata that the founding staff sank.[4]
After that there were several attempts to reach the place where the staff had sunk, as they were repelled by the natives, until Ayar Manco made the decision to send Ayar Auca to go ahead with his ayllu and populate that land. On reaching that place Ayar Auca turned into stone, at the site that would later be the Coricancha. After several confrontations with the local population, Ayar Manco and Ayar Uchu reached the place and took possession of it; from that moment Ayar Manco came to be called Manco Cápac.[4]
Research on the founding myths of Cuzco
Regarding the two founding myths, the legend of the founding couple (Manco Cápac and Mama Ocllo) arose after the enthronement of Pachacútec, since it relates a pan-Andean huaca, such as Lake Titicaca, to the founding of Cuzco. Garcilaso translated the myth by presenting a couple who arrived to civilize barbarous peoples by teaching them new technologies; the real fact is that it is now known that the central Andean area already possessed millennia-old technological advances that had been spread by the pan-Andean states of Huari and Tiahuanaco, and that were already known to the small peoples who inhabited the Cuzco area.[4]
Although both myths narrate a population exodus in search of fertile lands, only the myth of the Ayar brothers narrates the petrification of characters, and this latter account is very recurrent among other ethnic groups of the central Andean area.[4]
Regarding the location of the caves, Bingham in 1912 commissioned George Eaton to locate the windows of Tambotoco, bearing in mind that the town of Pacarictambo still exists, but Eaton's search did not find the caves. Then in 1945, Jorge Muelle, Luis Llanos and César Lobón traveled through Mollebamba looking for the site of Guaynacancha (in the district of Pacarictambo), where they associated a group of caverns near the crag of Puma Orqo with the caves of Tambotoco. Later Gary Urton contributed research on the town of Pacarictambo, stating that it had been moved in viceregal times and that it was very possible that its original location had been near the ruins of Maukallajta, close to the site found by Muelle, Llanos and Lobón in 1945.[4]
In general, the account of the Ayar brothers shows us a warrior man (Ayar Auca) and a warrior woman (Mama Huaco), giving a vision different from that of Garcilaso, in which the female role is dedicated to weaving, cooking and caring for infants; this myth narrates an event that occurred during one of the many battles to take possession of Cuzco, in which Mama Huaco wounds a man, then opens his chest and blows into his "lungs," causing the people of Acamama to flee in fear.[4]
Origin (historical)
Reign of Manco Cápac
He founded the Inca Empire, approximately in the year 1200 AD, and was its first ruler. His reign was characterized by the domination of the pre-Inca tribes that lived scattered in Cuzco and its surroundings. Manco Cápac unified the Huallas, Poques and Lares, and with them he settled in the lower part of the city. In this way the dynasty of the Urin Cuzco began. Shortly afterward he ordered the construction of the first residence of the Incas, the Inticancha or Temple of the Sun. His sister and wife was Mama Ocllo.
- Legendary empire (local phase):
Pre-state era: formation
Of little mobility; little is known of its successive reigns: Sinchi Roca, who would have ruled from 1230 to 1260 without achieving significant expansion in the then Cuzco kingdom; Lloque Yupanqui, who would end his reign in 1290 with the merit of having concluded various alliances with different peoples surrounding the Incas; Mayta Cápac, recognized for his victory over the Acllahuiza and who would end his reign around 1320; and Cápac Yupanqui, the first conqueror, to whom the victory over the Condesuyo is owed. This period would have lasted approximately 120 years, beginning approximately in 1230 AD (the year in which the reign of Sinchi Roca begins), until 1350 AD (the year in which the reign of Cápac Yupanqui ends).
A more general ethnohistorical view of this period describes that the Incas arrived in Cuzco around the 13th century AD and, in the following century, managed to impose themselves on the populations closest to the Cuzco valley. Since their arrival in Cuzco, the Incas would have mixed with some of the peoples who inhabited the place and expelled others. They would have organized their predominance by making alliances with different curacas, establishing kinship relations, and by fighting in wars. To these practices, which continued, others were added, such as the collection of surpluses and labor and the practice of redistribution. To understand this situation one would also have to consider that the religious prestige that accompanied the Incas was the cornerstone of the effectiveness of all the mechanisms of expansion they employed in this era.
This stage is called pre-state because at no time did a solid idea of an Inca state or nation itself arise; rather, the Andean idea of considering themselves a macro-ethnic group still existed, although this would change when the territory of the ethnic group expanded significantly after the reign of Cápac Yupanqui and his various conquests. The end of this period coincides with the end of the dynasty of the Urin Cuzco (Rurin Qusqu) rulers, who saw in Cápac Yupanqui their last representative.
State era: great expansion
With Pachacútec the imperial model began, with Túpac Inca Yupanqui it expanded, and with Huayna Cápac it was consolidated.
Reign of Pachacútec
During his reign territorial expansion began, thus inaugurating the imperial period by annexing numerous peoples. Pachacútec improved the organization of the state, dividing the empire into four regions or suyus. In the north, he subdued the Huancas and Tarmas, until reaching the area of the Cajamarcas and Cañaris (Ecuador). In the south he subdued the Collas and Lupacas, who occupied the plateau of the Altiplano. He organized the chasquis and made tribute obligatory.
- Historical empire (expansion phase):
- - Hanan Cuzco dynasty: 1438–1471.
Reign of Túpac Yupanqui
He was an outstanding military man who achieved important victories during the reign of his father Pachacútec. In 1471 he assumed the throne and extended the borders of the empire to the south, until reaching the Maule River in Chile. He also subdued the Chimú kingdom and some peoples of the altiplano and northern Argentina. He quelled the resistance of the Chachapoyas and advanced northward as far as Quito. He wanted to make incursions into the jungle, but a rebellion of the Collas forced him to turn toward the Collao. He improved the collection of tribute and appointed new governing inspectors (tuqriq). He died in 1493.
- Historical empire (expansion phase):
- - Hanan Cuzco dynasty: 1471–1493.
Reign of Huayna Cápac
He is considered the last sovereign of the Incario. During his reign he continued the policy of his father, Túpac Inca Yupanqui, with regard to the organization and strengthening of the state. To preserve the conquered territories he had to suppress continuous uprisings in bloody fashion. He defeated the Chachapoyas and annexed the region of the Gulf of Guayaquil, reaching as far as the Ancasmayo River (Colombia). While in Quito, he fell gravely ill and died in 1525. Some Spanish chronicles postulate that he also extended the borders of the empire further south, and that he may even have reached the Biobío River in Chile; however, this southernmost limit has not been proven archaeologically and is not accepted historically. With his death the decline of the empire began.
- Historical empire (expansion phase):
- - Hanan Cuzco dynasty: 1493–1525.
Succession crisis
Succession crises were a circumstantial phenomenon that was very frequent in the political history of the empire. Whoever aspired to be the new sovereign had to show that he was the "most able," had to be confirmed by an oracle, and also had to win supporters among the Cuzco panacas.[8]
Huayna Cápac named Ninan Cuyuchi as heir[8] (son of the Coya Mama-Cussi-Rimay[citation needed]), but the priest of the sun performed a sacrifice in which he saw that fortune would not favor Ninan Cuyuchi. For this reason, when Huayna Cápac died in Quito, he was carried on a litter to Cuzco, his death being kept secret in order to maintain political order. In this context, Raura Ocllo, mother of Huáscar, who was in Quito with Huayna Cápac, traveled quickly to Cuzco accompanied by a few orejones to prepare the enthronement of Huáscar. According to María Rostworowski, it was Raura Ocllo who convinced the Cuzco panacas to name Huáscar as successor, while Atahualpa remained in Quito together with other nobles.[9]
For his part, Atahualpa was the son of Tocto Coca (a woman who belonged to the panaca of "Hatun Aillu"); and when his father died he ordered a palace built in his honor in the town of Tumipampa. This angered the curaca of Tumipampa, named Ullco Colla, who sent messages to Huáscar accusing Atahualpa of sedition; in addition, Atahualpa remained in the north accompanied by several important generals loyal to Huayna Cápac, who had a special esteem for Atahualpa. After this, Atahualpa sent gifts to his brother Huáscar, but the latter ordered drums to be made from the skins of the messengers. According to Rostworowski, Atahualpa was incited to rebel by his father's generals, with whom he had taken part in several battles against the natives of the north.[9]
In this context the rebellion of the "Cañaris" took place; they took Atahualpa prisoner, locking him in a tambo. Atahualpa's escape takes on a mythical context, since according to the orators Atahualpa was turned into an amaru (serpent) by his father the sun, and thus managed to escape his confinement. Other chronicles report that it was a woman who gave him a copper bar with which he made a hole and was able to escape his confinement. Once free, Atahualpa gathered an army and killed his enemies in Quito and Tumipampa, the latter city being razed in revenge on Ullco Colla; he then advanced to Tumbes, attempting to advance as far as Puná Island, but the curaca of Puná got ahead of him and razed Tumbes. With the town of Tumbes razed, the first Spaniards set foot on Inca territory.[9]
Meanwhile, Huáscar was trying to stabilize his enthronement in Cuzco with the support of the panacas. Regarding Huáscar, the chroniclers describe several political errors that diminished Cuzco's support. First, he did not attend to the royal ayllus as was the custom; he did not attend the public meals in the plaza of Cuzco (which strengthened bonds of reciprocity and kinship). He eliminated the ayllus that guarded his personal guard and named "Cañari" and "Chachapoyas" warriors as his royal guard. Huáscar doubted the loyalty of the Cuzco panacas and surrounded himself with other nobles; fearing a rebellion of the Cuzco nobility, he threatened to bury the royal mummies and take away the panacas' lands. Little by little Huáscar was gaining enemies in a period of intrigues among the Cuzco nobility; by contrast, Atahualpa was gaining supporters.[9]
Reign of Huáscar
Huáscar did not agree with the testament of Huayna Cápac, since he believed himself entitled to inherit the whole Inca Empire according to Inca laws, customs and traditions. In 1531, after many years of peace, Huáscar confronted his half-brother Atahualpa, who also considered himself the legitimate heir to the throne in the region of Quito. Very soon important regions of the empire were shaken by bloody battles between Cuzco and Quito troops, which ended in the final victory of the latter. Huáscar was taken prisoner and later killed on the orders of Atahualpa.
- Historical empire (expansion phase):
- - Hanan Cuzco dynasty: 1525–1532.
Reign of Atahualpa
Son of Huayna Cápac and the Inca noblewoman Tocto Ocllo Coca. After the death of his father, he became governor of the city of Quito. Whether out of the fear he had of his brother Huáscar or the ambition to become sovereign, he then proclaimed himself Inca in Quito and thus began the Inca war of succession. His troops, led by Chalcuchímac and Quizquiz, defeated Huáscar's army at the Battle of Quipaipán (Apurímac) and entered Cuzco in triumph. Upon learning of the victory, Atahualpa marched to Cajamarca to be crowned Inca. Along the way he was acclaimed by the peoples of the north. However, upon reaching Cajamarca, he was taken prisoner by the Spaniards at the Battle of Cajamarca. It was the year 1532. This event marked the end of the Inca Empire.
Contrary to what is thought, Atahualpa (who ruled de facto between 1532 and 1533) is not part of the capaccuna, since he never wore the mascaipacha. It is therefore improper to call him Sapa Inca, as he is sometimes titled. Quito was completely burned by General Rumiñahui in 1534, before the arrival of the Spaniards in the city in search of the treasures of the empire, and was founded anew by the Spaniard Sebastián de Benalcázar on the ashes of the Inca town on December 6, 1534.
Reasons for the fall of the Tahuantinsuyo
According to Waldemar Espinoza Soriano,[10] the most consistent theory is the one that highlights the difficult social and political situation that existed in the Tahuantinsuyo upon the arrival of the Spaniards. This situation was characterized by the following factors: First, discontent among many peoples with the imperial situation; Cieza de León mentions the Chachapoyas, Cañaris and Huancas, who provided great material help to the invaders. Second, the civil war between Huáscar and Atahualpa had left the ruling class of the empire divided into two factions, as well as the military corps; the result was that many members of Huáscar's faction did almost nothing to stop the fall of the empire and even rejoiced at Atahualpa's captivity. Finally, the way of life, deeply rooted in the land and in their lordships, made the Indians of the Tahuantinsuyu accept the imposition of new lords with less resistance than other peoples such as those who inhabited present-day Chile or Colombia. Most studies agree that without the help of the ethnic groups discontented with the empire, its conquest by the soldiers who came from Spain would have been impossible.
Also evident, on the other hand, is the greater technological level of the Spaniards, who were confronting a civilization that had not reached the Iron Age and that knew neither firearms nor the horse and its taming. In addition, they lacked the knowledge and experience of the conquistadors in modern warfare, who were accustomed to dealing with the rest of the hegemonic powers of the time.
Viceregal Incas
From the arrival of the Spaniards, on their march toward Cuzco.
- Túpac Hualpa Inca (1533), two months, September and October. Inca crowned by the Spaniards, he died before reaching the Imperial City, in the Mantaro Valley.
- Manco Inca (1533–1545), Inca crowned by the Spaniards (1533), who rebelled against them (1536) and left Cuzco, moving his capital first to Ollantaytambo and then to Vilcabamba.
- Paullu Inca (1537–1549), Inca crowned by the Spaniards during the reign of Manco Inca (1537), who also reigned four years after the latter's death, during the reign of Sayri Túpac Inca.
Neo-Inca State: Incas of Vilcabamba
They were rulers of peoples descended from the Incas; it was officially the last Inca dynasty, founded after the rebellion of Manco Inca and as the last resistance to the Spanish conquistadors.
- Manco Inca until his death in 1545, Inca of Vilcabamba.
- Sayri Túpac Inca (1545–1558), Inca of Vilcabamba.
- Titu Cusi Yupanqui Inca (1558–1571), Inca of Vilcabamba.
- Túpac Amaru I Inca (1571–1572), Inca of Vilcabamba.
Geography and territory
Geographic location
It was the Andean region, which, owing to the presence of the Andes mountain range, is characterized by the diversity of its ecology: desert coasts, tropical landscapes, dry and cold high plateaus which at first sight seem to be among the environments least favorable to human life. However, the people who inhabited it have shown over many centuries that they are capable not only of surviving in such circumstances, but also of mastering the geographic environment and creating a series of flourishing civilizations. The most famous of these was the Inca Empire, which occupied a vast territory of South America, comprising all or parts of the present-day territories of the Republics of Peru, Ecuador, western Bolivia, northern Chile, the far southwest of Colombia and northwestern Argentina.
Distribution of the Inca Empire within the present-day countries of South America
The Incas in Argentina
According to historical sources, in the territory of Argentina, between 1479 and 1535, the Inca Empire conquered the western parts of the present-day provinces of Catamarca, Tucumán, Salta, Jujuy, La Rioja, San Juan, and the far northwest of Mendoza, incorporating them into the Collasuyo. Some research suggests Inca influence in part of Santiago del Estero Province (the interfluvial area where the city of Santiago del Estero is located), but the incorporation of that area into the empire has not been proven. The conquest is traditionally attributed to the Inca Túpac Yupanqui. The peoples who then inhabited that region, the Omaguacas, the Diaguitas (including the Calchaquís), the Huarpes and others, tried to resist, but the Incas managed to dominate them, moving into their territories mitimaes, or deported colonists, from the tribes of the Chichas, who lived in what is the southwest of present-day Bolivian territory.
The Incas built roads (the Inca Trail), agricultural and textile production centers, settlements (collcas and tambos), fortresses (pucarás) and numerous sanctuaries on mountaintops where they performed human sacrifices, especially of young girls and children, as shown by the Llullaillaco mummies, also using preexisting constructions.
Among the most important Inca establishments in Argentina are the Potrero de Payogasta in Salta, the Tambería del Inca in La Rioja, the Pucará de Aconquija and El Shincal de Londres, both in Catamarca, the Pucará de Tilcara in Jujuy and the Quilmes ruins in Tucumán, most of which were pre-Inca and were organized into an urban network within their empire, with military control posts established in them.
The Inca provinces (huamanis) in present-day Argentine territory were five:[11]
- Humahuaca, with its probable seat at Tilcara, reaching in the north as far as Talina, currently in the south of Bolivia. Inhabited by Chicha mitimaes.
- Chicoana or Sikuani, inhabited by the Pulares, extended over the Puna de Atacama floor and the northern part of the Calchaquí Valleys to near Seclantás, and probably covered from the Salinas Grandes of Jujuy to the south of La Paya in Salta, where its capital, ancient Chicoana, was located.
- Quire-Quire or Kiri-Kiri, which comprised the rest of the Calchaquí Valleys beginning at Pompona (today La Angostura), the whole valley of Santa María and the valleys of Andalgalá, Hualfín and Abaucán. Inhabited by Calchaquíes and Yocaviles and by a large number of mitimaes, it had two main seats, at Shincal and at Tolombón.
- Tucumán or Tucmua, comprised the eastern valleys and the sub-Andean ranges.
- The southernmost province probably extended from La Rioja to the mountains of the Cordón de Plata, reaching Cerro Tupungato in Mendoza, and perhaps formed part, under the name of Cuyo or Kuyun, of the province of Chile or Chili.[12][13]
The Incas in Bolivia
In the territory of Bolivia, after Tiwanaku disappeared around 1100 BC, a struggle took place among the different groups that inhabited the region: Aymaras, Collas, Lupacas and Pacajes. The Aymaras established a dominion covering Arequipa and Puno in Peru, La Paz and Oruro, which lasted until, in 1438, the Inca Pachacútec defeated the last Colla sovereign, Chunqui Cápac, incorporating the Bolivian altiplano into the Inca Empire as part of the province of Collasuyo, and imposing Quechua as the official language, although Aymara continued to be spoken regularly. In addition, the Inca Empire adopted Tiwanaku architectural styles and other knowledge. Later the Inca Huayna Cápac ordered fortresses to be raised on the eastern frontier to stop the advance of the Chiriguanos.
According to a legend, the founders of the Inca Empire, Manco Cápac and Mama Ocllo, were born from the foam of Lake Titicaca on the Isla del Sol, between Peru and Bolivia.
The Incas in Brazil
In the territory of Brazil, there are two roads that the Incas would have built: in the northeast, from Quito reaching the present-day state of Roraima on the border of the Guianas, whose name, according to the Chilean researcher Roland Stevenson, arises from a mispronunciation of the Quechua name "Guayna Capac," father of Huáscar and Atahualpa; and the so-called road of Peabiru (pea-road; Biru-Peru), which connects the coasts of the Atlantic Ocean, in the present-day state of São Paulo, with the city of Cuzco in the Andes, along which the Portuguese Aleixo García would have made incursions, carrying off precious metals from present-day Bolivia, before the Spanish conquest.[citation needed]
The Incas in Chile
In the territory of Chile, during the reign of Túpac Yupanqui, the conquest took place of the Diaguitas and Aconcaguas of the Transverse Valleys of the Norte Chico of Chile and the Central Zone of Chile by the populations located in the north and center, who inhabited the "valley of Chile" (the present-day Mapocho valley), and some districts located south of it, thus fixing the limits of the Inca Empire in an area which historians and recent archaeology conventionally extend to somewhere between the Maule and Maipo rivers. In this way, that territory was divided into two huamanis or provinces: that of the Elqui Valley (Coquimbo) in the north, presided over by Anien, and the Mapocho Valley (Santiago) in the south, headed by Quilacanta.[14]
The Incas in Colombia
In the territory of Colombia, around 1492 the Inca Empire temporarily dominated the region inhabited by the aboriginal peoples called the Pastos and built a fortress, still visible on two roads, in Males (today the municipality of Córdoba). However, the Pastos took refuge to the west, in Awá territory, from where they managed to expel the occupiers. The Incas then preferred to advance along the Amazonian foothills through the territory of the Cofán, until they controlled the territory of the Camsá in Mocoa, the Sibundoy Valley and the area of present-day Pasto;[15] but in the end it was the Spaniards who controlled the region, and it was the Awá who managed to preserve themselves from domination in the jungles of the Pacific Ocean slope.
The Incas in Ecuador
In the territory of Ecuador, in the 15th century, the Incas Túpac Yupanqui and Huayna Cápac conquered the territory and incorporated it into their empire.
In the mid-15th century the area was invaded by the forces of the Inca Túpac Yupanqui, who, at the head of a powerful army, set out from the south to extend his dominions. At first the campaign was relatively easy for him, but then he had to face the Bracamoros, this being the only people who were able to force the Inca to leave their lands without being able to incorporate them into the empire.
When the Inca began to advance on the Cañaris, it was even more difficult for the Inca armies, since the Cañaris repelled them, fighting bravely, forcing them to fall back toward the lands of what is today Saraguro, where they had to wait for the arrival of reinforcements to be able to begin the campaign. This time, considering the immense superiority of the Incas, the Cañaris preferred to come to terms and submit to the conditions imposed by them. After this Túpac Yupanqui founded the city of Tomebamba, the present-day city of Cuenca, a city where it is debated whether Huayna Cápac may have been born.
The Incas in Peru
The Inca Empire originated in the territory of Peru, occupying the coast, highlands and high jungle of Peruvian territory (covering approximately half of its present area).
At the beginning of the 13th century Inca history began, with Cuzco as capital and Manco Cápac as founder. From then on the Incas had three expansions, the third being the largest, as it developed first toward the north, starting with west-central Peru up to southern Colombia, and then toward the south, starting with southern Peru up to central Chile. In the 15th century the Sapa Inca Pachacútec divided Tawantinsuyo, taking the capital as a point of reference, into four suyos: Chinchaysuyo, Contisuyo, Antisuyo and Collasuyo.
In 1525 a civil war began between Huáscar and Atahualpa over succession to the throne; Atahualpa won this dispute, but the empire was left divided and unstable. In these circumstances the Spaniards arrived, who in Cajamarca surprisingly captured Atahualpa at a meeting in 1532.
Territory of the Inca Empire
The four suyos as a whole extended over more than two million square kilometers and came to cover, in their period of splendor (around 1532), part of the present-day republics of Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Chile and Argentina. They possessed approximately four thousand kilometers of coastline on the Pacific Ocean. The expansion began with the Inca Pachacútec and reached its peak with the Inca Huayna Cápac. The maximum expansion is attributed to the Inca Túpac Yupanqui.
To the north, the Inca Empire extended to the Guáitira River, in the north on the border between Colombia and Ecuador. In Ecuador, they came to cover an area that would include the present-day cities of Quito, Guayaquil, Cuenca and Manta.
To the northeast, it extended to the Amazon rainforest of the present-day republics of Peru and Bolivia. Its limits with the rainforest are very unclear owing to the sporadic expeditions of exploration of the jungle by the inhabitants of the empire, because of the large number of diseases and the fear the natives had of those areas, but it is known that they dominated the present-day cities of Potosí, Oruro, La Paz and Cochabamba in Bolivia and practically all of the Peruvian highlands.
To the southeast, the Inca Empire came to cross the Andes mountain range (what in modern geopolitics is known as straddling), reaching somewhat beyond what are now known as the cities of Salta and Tucumán in Argentina. The Inca territory of present-day Argentina formed a special zone called Tucma or Tucumán, which covered the present-day provinces of La Rioja, Catamarca, Tucumán, Salta and Jujuy.
To the south, there is evidence that the Inca Empire came to cover as far as the Atacama Desert (present-day III Atacama Region) under effective control, but with outposts as far as the Maule River (present-day VII Maule Region of Chile), where, owing to the resistance of the Purumaucas (or Picunches, belonging to the Mapuche ethnic group), it could not continue advancing.
To the west, although the Inca Empire bordered the Pacific Ocean, there are those who further postulate that the Incas may even have maintained, despite the naval limitations of the time, a certain commercial relationship with some unknown people of distant Polynesia (Oceania). The subject has been studied by José Antonio del Busto in a recent publication. One of the people who defended this theory was the late Norwegian diffusionist explorer Thor Heyerdahl.
Its capital was in the city of Cuzco—which, according to the Peruvian Constitution, is the "historical capital" of Peru—where the four suyos met.
Political division: Suyos or regions
■ Chinchaysuyo ■ Antisuyo ■ Contisuyo ■ Collasuyo
The chroniclers stated that the Inca Empire was divided into four districts known as suyos (from Quechua suyu): Chinchaysuyo, Antisuyo, Collasuyo and Contisuyo. The center of this division was Cuzco itself. The creation of this system of territorial organization has been attributed to the Inca Pachacútec; however, we know that it was a practice that preceded the reign of this great reformer. Before Inca dominion was consolidated in Cuzco, the space around this city was also divided into four parts. The divisions then corresponded to the territories of the lordships of the area. When Manco Cápac and his clans settled in the area, they created the four Inca suyus on the basis of this division.
A subject that is still a matter of debate among researchers is that of the extent and limits of each suyu. As we have seen, Inca expansion began with Pachacútec, who conquered the curacazgos of the area near Cuzco: the Soras, Lucanas and Tambos. Other military leaders such as his brother Cápac Yupanqui, and later Túpac Yupanqui and Amaru Yupanqui, continued the conquests while Pachacútec remained in Cuzco. For example, Cápac Yupanqui would have reconnoitered and visited the valleys of Chincha and Pisco on the coast, while in the central highlands he would reach as far as Jauja. Túpac Inca continued the conquest of the Chinchaysuyu as far as the region of the Cañaris (Tumibamba), while Amaru Yupanqui and other military leaders conquered the Collasuyu as far as Chincha and the Contisuyo as far as Arequipa. However, we still do not know whether the coastal strip between Ica and Tarapacá was conquered at this time or later, after Túpac Yupanqui assumed supreme command of the Inca State. On the other hand, during the time of Túpac Yupanqui the northern frontier was established near Quito, while the southern frontier was fixed at the Maule River, 260 km south of Santiago de Chile. During the reign of Huayna Cápac new regions were conquered in Ecuador and the far southwest of Colombia (near Pasto). These are in general the known limits of the empire. The least precise point is that relating to the Amazon region, where it is difficult to determine the reach of the Inca incursions.
| Suyu | Map | Description |
|---|---|---|
| Chinchaysuyo
(Chinchay suyu) |
|
|
| Antisuyo
(Anti suyu) |
|
|
| Contisuyo
(Kunti suyu) |
|
|
| Collasuyo
(Qulla suyu) |
|
|
Territorial organization
Each province (wamani) was divided into sayas or parts, in which a variable number of ayllus lived. The number of sayas in each province was usually based on duality, although it is true that some provinces came to have three sayas, such as that of the Huancas.
The decimal basis of administration
For the better administration of the empire, it was necessary to ensure that everyone worked and fulfilled what was imposed on them. To this end, the Incas created a decimal organization consisting of a ladder of officials, each of whom controlled the work of ten who were under his immediate authority:Valcárcel 1964a, pp. 40–41Del Busto 2011, p. 75
- The Purec or head of family (the basis of society).
- The Chunca-camayoc, in charge of a Chunca, that is, a group of ten families. He commanded ten purecs and was in charge of the census of the persons in his jurisdiction, distributing land to them and directing them in their work.
- The Pachaca-camayoc, an official apparently equivalent to the curaca, who controlled a Pachaca or group of one hundred families. He was in charge of overseeing the chunca-camayocs in the fulfillment of their obligations and reviewing the decisions they had made in matters within their jurisdiction.
- The Huaranga-camayoc, in charge of a Huaranga or group of one thousand families. He supervised the pachaca-camayocs; in particular he had to ensure the accuracy of the census records and the fairness of land distribution, to prevent them from taking advantage of their authority to the detriment of the people's welfare.
- The Huno-camayoc, in command of a Huno or group of ten thousand families, a size that suggests a tribal confederation stabilized by the authority of the Inca. He supervised the huaranga-camayocs. He kept the census records and, in accordance with them, directed agrarian policy and craft work. He was subordinate to the Tucuirícuc and the Suyuyuc Apu.
Political organization
The imperial government was of a theocratic monarchical type; the highest authority was the Sapa Inca, advised by the imperial council. The symbol of his power was the mascapaicha, a kind of tassel of red wool that he wore around his head. He exercised the functions of his government from the private palace that each one had built for himself in Cuzco, from where he granted audiences and administered justice. He also traveled frequently through the Tawantinsuyo, carried on a litter on the shoulders of bearers, to attend personally to the needs of his people.Del Busto 2011, pp. 51–54
The Inca or Sapa Inca
These rulers, to whom a divine origin was attributed, are usually associated with the titles of señor inca and sapa inca: "divine Inca" and "sole Inca," respectively.
The "Capac cuna" was the official list of rulers of the Inca civilization. It is speculated that there were more rulers than it accepts and that several were erased from the official history of the empire for various reasons. In total, there were thirteen Inca sovereigns.
- Legendary empire: Period without expansion:
- ~1200 – ~1230: Manco Cápac
- ~1230 – ~1260: Sinchi Roca
- ~1260 – ~1290: Lloque Yupanqui
- ~1290 – ~1320: Mayta Cápac
- ~1320 – ~1350: Cápac Yupanqui
- ~1350 – ~1380: Inca Roca
- ~1380 – ~1400: Yáhuar Huácac
- ~1400 – 1438: Viracocha Inca
- Historical empire: Period of expansion of the empire:
- 1438 – 1471: Pachacútec Inca Yupanqui
- 1471 – 1472: Amaru Inca Yupanqui
- 1472 – 1493: Túpac Inca Yupanqui
- 1493 – 1525: Huayna Cápac
- 1525 – 1532: Huáscar
- 1532 – 1533: Atahualpa
Although some historians consider that Atahualpa should not be included in the capac cuna, arguing that Atahualpa would have declared himself a subject of Charles I of Spain, in addition to the fact that the mascapaicha, the symbol of imperial power, was never placed upon him. But most of the chroniclers take as true the list of 14 Incas, assigning the 14th place to Atahualpa.
Other historians have followed the lineage and consider that Tarco Huamán and Inca Urco should also be taken into account. The former succeeded Mayta Cápac and, after a short period, was deposed by Cápac Yupanqui. Inca Urco put on the mascaipacha by decision of his father, Viracocha Inca, but, in the face of his evident misrule and the invasion of the Chancas, he fled with him. After the triumph of Pachacutec Yupanqui—the future Pachacútec Inca Yupanqui, also a son of Viracocha Inca—over the enemy people, Inca Urco was killed in an ambush that he himself had set for his brother. Likewise, Garcilaso and some other chroniclers insert between Pachacútec and Túpac Yupanqui Amaru Yupanqui, a sovereign of doubtful existence.
Family of the Inca
The Coya: This is the term given to the principal wife of the Sapa Inca, to distinguish her from the rest of the women of the imperial family as the wife of the emperor. She was the sovereign lady and ranked above the secondary wives. In the absence of the Inca, she was the one in charge of governing the capital, Cuzco. She also organized, when necessary, the aid given to those affected in the event of great catastrophes.
The Auqui: This is the masculine term given to the crown prince in the Inca Empire or Tahuantinsuyo. Generically, all the male children of the Sapa Inca were called auquis; however, the specific title fell on only one of them, whose selection was based on criteria different from those of the traditional Western world (his ability was taken into account more than his status as firstborn or legitimate son).
The Ñusta: This is the term given to the princesses in the Inca Empire. The ñusta was a virgin and a daughter of the Sapa Inca. The secondary wives of the emperor were also called this, being the equivalent of concubines.
Hereditary right
Inca political history was almost always plagued by confrontations over hereditary power. This was due to the ambiguity of the criteria for choosing the new Inca.[8]
The main criterion for choosing the new Inca was the rule of choosing the "most able." The new Inca could be a son of the former Inca by the coya or by any concubine. The heirs had to be of age. The Inca could name a successor, but the latter had to be accepted by the gods (through an oracle) and by the panacas.[8]
The criterion of choosing the "most able" as ruler was widespread throughout the territory; many of the macro-ethnic groups and ethnic groups chose as ruler the one who showed the greatest capacity for command, and these were not necessarily their own sons; this custom was so effective that Viceroy Toledo ordered: "make no innovations, leaving the succession to the ancient right and custom."[8]
In the case of the Inca rulers, the most able was also the one who won the most supporters in the "panacas," demonstrating his capacity for political negotiation. This also led to struggles among the panacas for power, which gave rise to crimes for political motives.[8]
In the case of the "panacas," the social status of the mother was important, since everything indicates that the post-marital residence pattern of Cuzco was exogamous and matrilineal. That is, the only thing that differentiated the sons of an Inca was their maternal descent, and it was what gave some more rank than others. In the Inca social network, a mother with abundant kin had greater capacity to exercise "reciprocity," so important in the Inca social structure.[8]
In general, several aspects prevailed in the choice of an Inca sovereign, but the criteria were so ambiguous that in many cases, when one of the Inca's sons proved to be able in politics, administration and war, he prevailed over his brothers. As examples, Pachacútec prevailed over Inca Urco (Inca Urco had been named successor by Huiracocha Inca); Inca Roca was enthroned after the death of Cápac Yupanqui at the hands of his own wife, named Cusi Chimbo, a woman who would later be married by Inca Roca himself; Atahualpa prevailed over his brother Huáscar, in a process in which Atahualpa won battles and political allies, demonstrating his ability as a ruler. In general, the death of an Inca almost always brought with it a circumstantial period of political instability in which one of the sons had to demonstrate his ability in order to be enthroned in power.[8]
Imperial council
The highest body dedicated to advising the Inca sovereign. It was made up of eighteen persons:
- The four governors of the suyos (Suyuyuc Apu).
- Twelve councilors, more directly linked to the suyos of the Empire.
- The high priest (Willaq Uma).
- The general of the imperial army (Apukispay).
Standard
According to some chronicles[16][17][18][19][20][21][22] there would have existed an Inca imperial ensign or standard (unancha), which has given rise to the claim that there was a kind of flag of the Inca Empire. However, such an interpretation is incorrect, since the standard did not represent the Inca state but the sovereign, who painted on it his personal arms and devices. In any case, it is known that this ensign was used by the Inca hosts alongside the sovereign.[23]
The royal guidon or standard was a small square banner, ten or twelve palms around, made of cotton or wool cloth; it was placed at the top of a long pole, stretched and stiff, without waving in the air, and on it each king painted his arms and devices, because each one chose different ones, although the general ones of the Incas were the arco celeste and two serpents stretched lengthwise in parallel with the tassel that served as his crown, to which each king used to add as a device and blazon whatever seemed fit to him, such as a lion, an eagle and other figures. The said standard had as its tassel certain long red feathers placed at intervals
— Bernabé Cobo, Historia del Nuevo Mundo (1609)
.svg)
In contemporary times, the existence of this "Inca standard" has come to be confused with a multicolored flag (with the colors of the rainbow) that is commonly attributed to the Inca Empire. However, according to Peruvian historiography, the concept of a flag did not exist in the Inca Empire, and therefore it never had one. This has been stated by the historian and researcher of the Inca civilization María Rostworowski, who, when consulted about this multicolored ensign, declared categorically: "I give you my life, the Incas did not have that flag. That flag did not exist, no chronicler refers to it."[24]
Other research even indicates that this flag was created only in 1973 to commemorate the anniversary of a radio station in the city of Cuzco called "Radio Tahuantinsuyo," and that from there its use would have spread until the Provincial Municipality of Cuzco officially adopted it as the emblem of the city in 1978.[25] Along the same lines is the position of the Congress of the Republic of Peru itself, which states that the origins of this false flag of the Inca Empire date back only to the first decades of the 20th century, when some authors, especially indigenists, mention and describe it as the supposed emblem of the empire of the Incas. When Radio Tahuantinsuyo adopted it as the emblem of the radio station, the confusion spread and the error was disseminated massively.[26]
The official use of the so-called flag of the Tahuantinsuyo is improper and mistaken. In the pre-Hispanic Andean world the concept of a flag was not experienced; it does not correspond to its historical context.
— Academia Nacional de la Historia del Perú.[26]
Social organization
The aillu
The word «ay llu», of Quechua and Aymara origin, means, among other things: community, lineage, genealogy, caste, kind, kinship. It can be defined as the group of descendants of a common ancestor, real or supposed, who work the land collectively and in a spirit of solidarity.
The «aillu» was the basis and nucleus of the social organization of the empire. The aillus believed that they descended from a common ancestor, and they were therefore bound by ties of kinship. This ancestor could be mythical or real; and in all cases, the aillus preserved a «mallqui» (mummy) which they worshipped and through which they gave meaning to their relationships.[27] In addition to the mallqui, the members of an aillu had common tutelary deities and paid tribute to the land in common.[27]
An aillu owned livestock, land and water to which all its members were entitled as long as they fulfilled the obligations established among the members. Each aillu managed the size of its «tupus» (unit of land measurement); each «tupu» handed out had to be worked in order not to lose the right to the land. In agricultural activity the members of the aillu helped one another; belonging to the aillu gave them the right to receive help in case their own nuclear family was not sufficient; this help was generally given at harvest time, at sowing, or in the construction of the houses of newlyweds; in these cases the «principle of reciprocity» came into play, which obliged them to return the help received.[27]
In the case of the curaca (head of the «aillu»), he could ask for help in grazing his livestock or working the land. He was obliged to provide food and chicha to those who helped him, but he was not obliged to return the help, so there was an asymmetrical reciprocity with him.[27]
In the case of the communal lands, all the members of the «aillu» worked them, organized by the «curaca» and the «llacta camayoc». The produce of the communal lands was stored and redistributed among the members of the aillu who needed it.[27]
The collective work for the construction and maintenance of canals, storehouses or terraces was called «minka» and was organized by the curaca, who also assigned the tasks that the members of the «aillu» had to carry out.[27]
The elderly, widows, orphans and the disabled were also obliged to take part in collective work, but they received help in working their «tupus». As a general rule, the elderly and the disabled carried out supervisory tasks. Poma notes that irrigation water was distributed by the elders.[27]
The aillus did not only own land in a compact territory; the need to make an aillu self-sufficient obliged it to encompass other ecological levels, which gave rise to a discontinuous territoriality that was neither homogeneous nor differentiated. Aillus with large populations could gain access to distant lands and a greater variety of products.[27]
John Murra points out that a good example of this were the Aymara kingdoms; the Collas, Lupacas and Pacajes all managed to control discontinuous territories on the coast in the manner of enclaves. In places at considerable distances, dwellings were built to house the members of the aillu, and the members of the aillu took turns working these remote lands.[27]
Although in the highland areas of the Inca Empire the general characteristic of the aillus was agricultural, there were aillus that were both agricultural and pastoral, and others that were only pastoral. The predominantly pastoral aillus were located in Chinchaycocha and the Collao; these aillus were devoted to raising llamas and alpacas, from which they obtained fiber; fresh meat or dried meat, which was called «charqui»; hides for making «ojotas» (sandals), straps, bags and ropes; bones for making needles, musical instruments and other items; and «taquia» (dung) for fuel. On the coast, the aillus had populations specialized in agriculture, exchange, fishing and crafts.[27]
Duality
The basic organizing principle of Inca society was duality, and this duality was based on kinship relations. The aillus comprised two moieties, which could be «hanan or urin», «alaasa or massaa», «uma or urco», «allauca or ichoc»; according to Franklin Pease, these words were understood as «high or low», «right or left», «male or female», «inside or outside», «near or far» and «in front or behind».[27]
The Spanish chroniclers described the curacas in pairs but without specifying the duality, because this form of organization was unknown in Europe. In 1593, curacazgos divided into two halves were described, in which each half had a curaca at its head; this situation was described for the curacazgos of Acarí, Lima and the Lupaca curacazgos of the Collao and Tarata.[27]
There were also curacazgos governed by women with their «second person»; these data came from the curacazgos of Colán. The same happened in Cuzco, which based its organization on the principle of duality.[27]
The Europeans documented Cuzco dynasties: «Hanan Cuzco» and «Urin Cuzco», describing them as successive dynasties into which Cuzco was divided; the Spaniards were unable to identify the dual government and therefore placed one «dynasty» as the predecessor of the other.[27] In other regions of the empire, other names were preferred for the parts of the duality; the Aymara regions preferred «alaasa - masaaa», other groups near Lake Titicaca preferred «uma - urco», indicating distance from or closeness to sources of water (lake or rivers); in the north of the territory «allauca - ichoc» (left-right) was preferred.[27]
The functions performed by each part are unclear. The chronicles do not describe the specific functions performed by the ethnic leaders of each half. What is described is that one of the leaders was subordinate to the other; Rostworowski describes that in the case of Cuzco the upper half was more important, but in the case of Ica it was the lower half.[27]
Pease points out that both halves were integrated through reciprocity. In Cuzco, «hanan» and «urin» were opposites and at the same time complementary, like human hands («yanantin»). Even so, it is difficult to deduce what the functions of each part were; the only thing that is clear is that both parts complemented each other and that there were reciprocal obligations between them.[27]
Social classes in the Inca Empire
Inca society (Inca) was hierarchical and rigid. There were great differences between the social classes, and these differences were respected by all the inhabitants of the empire. The hierarchical classes formed a pyramid in which the Inca, holding all power, was at the (flat) apex, while the people, who were the great majority, constituted its social base.
| Social classes | Representatives |
|---|---|
| Royalty | |
| Nobility |
|
| Aillu |
|
The Inca nobility
In the empire there were two main lineages, Hanan Cuzco and Hurin Cuzco, from which the Sapa Inca, or monarch, came. Every time an Inca died there was political instability between these two lineages and the descendants of the last monarch over power. When the new Inca was installed, he formed a new lineage of his own, or panaca. There were at least a dozen panacas in the empire, whose members had various privileges.
Although the Sapa Inca, the Coya (his wife), the Auqui (heir of the Inca) and his children (first generations of each panaca) made up the royal family or royalty of the empire, there was a significant number of people who were considered nobles, whether by blood or by privilege. Among the nobles of blood were the remaining members and descendants of the panacas, and among the nobles of privilege were those people who stood out for their services. One of the characteristics that distinguished the Inca nobility from the people was the enormous size of their ears, caused by the use of expanding rings.
The nobility of blood in the Inca Empire is estimated at the time of its fall at more than 10 000 individuals distributed in different parts of the territory, who performed administrative and military functions. Part of the strategies used by the Incas to subdue other peoples, after military confrontations, was to establish marriage alliances between the local caciques and the daughters or concubines of the Inca, so as to create ties that would allow peaceful occupation. It was also customary for the cacique to hand over his daughters to the Inca, who were sent directly to Cuzco to become part of his harem.
With the fall of the empire, all the existing Inca noble prerogatives were lost; however, some nobles made efforts to have them recognized by the Spanish Crown, such as Cristóbal Pariacallán Tuquiguaraca, who was granted a coat of arms and privileges; Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala and Inca Garcilaso de la Vega also made representations so that their class distinctions would be recognized.
The panacas
The panacas were lineages of the direct descendants of a reigning Inca, excluding the successor, and they preserved the mummy of the deceased Inca, as well as his memories, quipus, songs and paintings in remembrance of the deceased from generation to generation.
These royal panacas formed the Cuzco elite. They played a role in the politics of the Inca state, and their alliances and enmities were crucial to the history of the Inca capital. It is said that there were other panacas that played an important role in earlier periods. A curious note about the panacas is that if the traditional panacas are added, a total of eight panacas is obtained for each dynasty, which is a frequent number in the Andean organization of the aillus because it is a multiple of duality and of quadruplication.
| Panaca | Inca |
|---|---|
| Chima panaca | Manco Cápac |
| Raura panaca | Sinchi Roca |
| Awayni panaca | Lloque Yupanqui |
| Usca Mayta panaca | Mayta Cápac |
| Apu Mayta Cápac panaca | Cápac Yupanqui |
| Panaca | Inca |
|---|---|
| Wikak'iraw panaca | Inca Roca |
| Awkaylli panaca | Yáhuar Huácac |
| Suqsu panaca | Viracocha Inca |
| Hatun aillu | Pachacútec |
| Cápac aillu | Túpac Yupanqui |
| Tumipampa panaca | Huayna Cápac |
Hatun Runa
They were the bulk of the population, who began their service to the state upon coming of age, hence their meaning «grown man». They were the common population of the Inca Empire, devoted to the activities of animal husbandry, agriculture, fishing and crafts; they were the workforce. They could be called upon to serve in the army and to work the lands of the state, and they could also be designated «mitimaes» or «yana».[27]
Until they married, it was the parents who assigned work to their children. After marriage, the man acquired responsibilities toward the state. From marriage onward, the «hatun runa» owed services to the state for the rest of their lives. But before that, children had lesser obligations that increased in responsibility with age. There were adolescents who were entrusted with carrying loads for the state and the army; older adults were entrusted with auxiliary tasks that required greater judgment.[27]
According to the chronicles of Pedro Pizarro, hunchbacks were used as court jesters, and women accompanied their men in rendering services, both for war and for agricultural labor.[27]
The Mitimaes (Mitmaqkuna)
They were settlers who were moved to other regions together with their families and under the command of their ethnic leader; these populations remained in distant territories for a set period of time, carrying out tasks assigned by the state or by their own leaders. These groups did not lose their communal rights, and they also maintained ties of reciprocity and kinship. According to the chronicles, the «mitmaqkuna» kept the clothing and headdresses used in their villages of origin, and they also moved taking their possessions with them.[27]
The institution of the «mitmaq» existed before the Inca expansion, and it arose from the need of the Andean peoples to gain access to other ecological levels and exploit diverse resources that would complement their diet. During the period of greatest expansion of the empire, there were transformations in the institution of the «mitmaq», since the migratory movements were carried out over longer distances and on a massive scale, preventing the group of «mitmaqkuna» from remaining in contact with its core of origin.[27]
These were transplanted populations whose purpose was to produce goods that would later be redistributed. In some cases the population was moved as a sign of trust and in others as punishment; the difference lay in the living conditions of each (the punished and the rewarded). Cieza de León states that there were members of the Cuzco elite who were moved with their families to teach the Inca language and traditions; these were chosen as a sign of trust and were given «chacras» (fields), houses, gifts, luxury objects, honors and even women as a reward for having to travel far from Cuzco.[27]
Yanaconas
The yanaconas (yanakunas), or simply yanas, are a population group that is difficult to define, inasmuch as they were populations taken from their ethnic group for specific tasks, but who in some cases had important governmental functions, in some cases even becoming curacas and having «acllas» granted by the Inca.[27]
Basically, the «yanakuna» were a population chosen for their skills to render a special service; yanakuna groups are documented as having been taken from Chan Chan to Cuzco for their metallurgical services, as well as Cañari groups moved to the Yucay valley for the cultivation of maize. In the case of the maize production of the Cañaris of Yucay, it served to feed the Cuzco panacas directly.[27]
The institutionalization of this population group is documented through accounts collected by the European chroniclers. According to some accounts, the «yanas» were a population that rebelled and whose lives were spared in exchange for perpetually serving the Inca sovereign; this rebellion took place in Yanayaco; according to legend, just as they were about to be executed, Mama Ocllo interceded for them and asked that they be placed at her service. According to Rostworowski, the Inca gave yana population to the «coya» at the time of marriage.
The «yana» population was also given by the Inca to other curacas for special services; in this case they did what the person in whose charge they were ordered. The yanas were distributed throughout almost the whole empire; «yanas» are documented caring for the mummies of the Inca sovereigns; likewise, the sun and the huacas had «yanas» in their service (Cieza de León describes the yanas caring for the huacas of «Huanacaure» and «Huarochirí»).
The first Europeans identified the «yanas» as populations without rights, comparing them with the conception of slaves that existed in the Europe of those years. However, there is information ruling out this possibility, published by J. Murra; this information indicates that the «yanas» had the right to receive land for their sustenance. Research by W. Espinoza indicates that the status of «yana» was something common before the empire and that their number increased as the territory expanded.
Piñas
Some scholars identify them as slaves, and although they do not appear in the chronicles, they are known because they were described in the Quechua dictionaries. According to research by Rostorowsky, these dictionaries mention that the «pinakuna» were prisoners of war and occupied a lower level in the Inca scale. W. Espinoza states that the institutionalization of the «piñakuna» was late and that the one who institutionalized it was Huayna Capac; from this period onward, any prisoner of war who did not accept his defeat became part of the «piñakunas». This happened with some groups of Pastos, Carangues, Cayambes, Quitos, Cañaris and Chachas.[27]
The condition of the «piñacunas» extended to their spouses and children, who remained the property of the Inca state, which sent them to work in areas of difficult access, generally in coca plantations in the montane forest; there is evidence that the state also provided them with land for their own subsistence.[27]
Population control system
The Inca state extended its rule over different ethnic groups. Mestizaje (racial mixing) was almost nonexistent. The total population of the empire is estimated to have been between 16 and 18 million, depending on the sources.
| Official in charge | Number of families |
|---|---|
| Pureq or Purej | 1 family |
| Pisca camayoc | 5 families |
| Chunka camayoc | 10 families |
| Pisca chunka camayoc | 50 families |
| Pachaka camayoc | 100 families |
| Pisca pachaka camayoc | 500 families |
| Huaranka camayoc | 1000 families |
| Pisca huaranca camayoc | 5000 families |
| Huno camayoc | 10 000 families |
Economic activities
Upon arriving in the Inca Empire, the Spaniards agreed in highlighting the success of its economy. The chroniclers described the products they found in the storehouses, praising the abundance of production in both agriculture and animal husbandry; the Europeans also praised the equitable distribution of these products among the population.[27]
The chronicles agree that the success of the Inca economy was based on the proper administration of resources; to make this form of administration effective, storehouses were built and quipus were used as an accounting system.
Although the chronicles mention that the wealth of the Incas was based on the delivery of tribute, recent research shows that this was not the case; rather, the success of the empire was achieved through the proper administration of labor; Pease states that this allowed the state to have the production necessary for redistribution.[27]
The labor for redistributive production was rotational (mita) and was provided periodically by the aillus of the Inca Empire. This system was not an Inca creation, since it was based on traditional forms of administration; the Incas took this system to its highest expression, storing production and redistributing it according to the needs and interests of the state.[27]
The basis of the economy was agriculture; the lands were communal. Each family had its own lands to cultivate and feed itself. The larger families received a greater amount of land.
The form of working the lands was the minka, that is, «they helped each other in agricultural tasks in a communal way». The Portal Fuenterrebollo tells us that «… either when an individual had so much work that he could not cope with it, or in the case of orphans, the sick and widows». «When certain necessary species could not be grown (potatoes, for example), part of the community settled in other areas. This way of obtaining resources was known as "ecological complementarity"».
The basis of the Inca diet was the potato and maize, complemented with the meat of auquenids: the llama and the alpaca. In the high areas of the Andes, up to 200 species of potatoes were grown and harvested, differing in color and size. To prevent them from rotting, and for the purpose of storing them or feeding their numerous army, especially when it set out on campaign, they learned to dry and cut up the potato (freeze-drying), a product called Chuño; then, before eating them, they rehydrated and cooked them. They complemented this diet with other vegetables such as olluco, oca, tomato, beans, squash, ají, peanuts (from which they also extracted oil), quinoa and fruits.
The Incas did not only cultivate flat or gently sloping land; they used an ingenious system to cultivate the hillsides, a technique that consisted of forming terraces, called “andenes”, which they filled with topsoil held in place by stone walls. In addition to the wool provided by the auquenids, they sowed, harvested and used cotton to make their clothing. In the lands corresponding to the high jungle, they sowed and harvested the “sacred leaf”: coca.
They fished various species of fish and hunted wild birds. To maintain such an amount of sown land, the Incas were great hydraulic engineers: many of the irrigation canals of the highlands still work perfectly today and irrigate new farmland.
Land tenure
Land tenure was a right that the inhabitants had by belonging to a particular ethnic group. The curacas distributed the land according to the needs of individuals and their families. The unit of measurement was the «tupu», but the dimensions of the «tupu» could vary according to the yield of the land. Accordingly, a household received 1 1/2 tupu; when a son was born an additional tupu was assigned, and if a daughter was born an additional 1/2 tupu was assigned; if the children married, the additional tupus were taken away from the family.[27]
Some chroniclers indicate that the distribution of land was annual; Guamán Poma notes that this distribution took place after the harvest in the eighth month of the Inca calendar and that this activity was called «chacraconacuy» (this corresponded to the months of July and August). John Murra points out that this annual ceremony was a ceremony of reaffirmation of the lands and that there was continuity in the tenure of the land by each family. The «chacraconacuy» ceremony included the fertilization of the land, the cleaning and repair of canals and ditches, as well as sacrifices to the «pachamama».[27]
The chronicles state that after a conquest the land and livestock were declared «property of the state» and were then ceded to the conquered populations. In reality, land tenure after a conquest was conditioned by the wealth and resources that existed in that territory. As a general rule, tuber producers were allowed to continue in possession of their lands; on the other hand, it was common for groups producing maize and coca to have their lands expropriated in order to dedicate them to the state or to the cults, bearing in mind that this production was especially important for the Inca religion.[27]
It has been documented that in Chincha, for each «huaranca» (one thousand households), 1 chacra was taken. In other cases the Incas expanded the agricultural frontier (building terraces and canals) in order to take this expansion in the name of the state; these lands were then worked by the conquered ethnic group. Another modality was to place mitmakunas in the colonies of the conquered ethnic group, as happened with the Lupaka.[27]
There was a marked differentiation between the lands of the state and those intended for worship; these were administered independently and their harvests were stored separately. Inti, Mamaquilla, Chuquiilla and Pachamama had lands assigned to their cult, as did the sanctuaries of the mythical ancestors such as Huanacaure; in addition, the state in many cases assigned lands to the deities of the conquered ethnic groups. The labor for working the state and cult lands was obtained from the mita.[27]
The merchants
The Spanish chronicles mention the existence of merchants; these merchants were basically inhabitants of the coasts who devoted themselves to the exchange of products. In this regard, María Rostworowski clarifies that the context in which the word «merchant» was used in the period of the Inca Empire must be understood in the setting of an economy alien to the use of money, in which only «barter» (exchange) existed.[27]
There were two important groups of traders: the so-called «Chincha traders» and the «northern traders». The Chincha traders had two routes: a maritime route on which they went north on rafts carrying copper and bringing back mullu; this route reached Manta and Portoviejo; there was another overland route that went from Chincha to Cuzco.[27]
The northerners had two levels: a first level that was in charge of drying fish and then taking it to the adjoining highlands to exchange it; the other level corresponded to the inhabitants who did not own any kind of land and who devoted themselves solely to the exchange of woolen clothing, chaquira (beads), cotton, beans, fish, salt and other things. These exchange specialists were called «mindalaes» and they traded in present-day Ecuador.[27]
Agriculture
Since the Andes were a predominantly agricultural society, the Incas knew how to make the most of the soil, overcoming the adversities posed by the rugged Andean terrain and the harshness of the climate. The adaptation of agricultural techniques already used previously in different places allowed the Incas to organize the production of diverse products, from the coast, highlands and jungle, in order to redistribute them to peoples who did not have access to other regions. The technological achievements attained at the agricultural level would not have been possible without the workforce at the disposal of the Inca, as well as the road network that made it possible to store already harvested resources properly and distribute them throughout the territory. Terrace cultivation was also practiced.
Agricultural tools
To carry out their agricultural labors, the ancient Peruvians of Cuzco, since they had no yoke of oxen owing to the lack of animals, used a human-powered plow they called the tajlla or chaquitajlla, which is a pointed stick with a somewhat curved tip, which was sometimes made of stone or metal. Before its end, this tool had another crosswise stick, on which the farmer rested his foot to drive it into the ground and then make the furrow. The Inca hand tools used in agriculture have not been surpassed, especially when it comes to working on the Andean slopes or in limited spaces such as the terraces.
Fertilizers
The importance of agriculture led the indigenous people to seek fertilizers for their crops. The information we have on fertilizers comes from the coast and shows the use of renewable natural resources. The main fertilizers used are named by the chroniclers and were used above all for the production of maize, which would confirm Murra's suggestion about the priority of this crop. A first fertilizer consisted of burying small fish such as sardines or anchovetas together with the seeds. A representation of this system was painted on the walls of one of the sanctuaries of Pachacámac, showing a maize plant sprouting from some little fish. The second fertilizer used was the dung of the seabirds that nest by the thousands on the islands of the coast. The resource called guano was formed by the droppings of the birds, and the coastal people were accustomed to extracting guano from the islands. The third renewable resource came from the leaf litter of the Huarangos, used to improve the soils.
The terraces
The Incas were especially concerned with finding ways to improve soil conditions for agriculture. The variety of the climate and the difficult terrain led them to seek diverse solutions, and they found many ways to tackle the problem. Among the best-known measures is the construction of terraces, which was given great importance during Inca rule, even though they required mobilizing large amounts of labor, something the Inca state could do with relative ease. The andenes are artificial agricultural terraces that serve to obtain usable land for sowing on the steep Andean slopes. They made it possible to make better use of water, both rain and irrigation, by circulating it through the channels that connected their various levels; with this measure they also prevented water erosion of the soil. The terraces served not only for growing maize but for growing different agricultural products, and even for different uses: for crops, to prevent erosion, for washing mineral salt, etc.
The raised fields
They were artificial plots built on the shores of Lake Titicaca. They were mounds of earth that made it possible to store and make better use of water in places with frequent flooding caused by the rains. They used a series of agricultural techniques in the raised fields, among them the laying out of artificial furrows to protect the plants, to facilitate drainage during rains and floods, for irrigation, as sources of fertilizer and, especially, to reduce the harsh nighttime cold of the highlands, thus preventing frosts.
Irrigation systems
Hydraulic knowledge (canals and intakes) made irrigation and cultivation possible, especially of maize. The Peruvian coast is characterized by its vast deserts cut by rivers that descend from the mountains and whose flows allow agriculture to arise. The coastal peoples were the greatest hydraulic engineers, since they refined and achieved quite sophisticated methods of irrigation, especially the Mochicas and later the Chimús. In Cuzco, the two streams that cross the city were channeled, paving their beds with stone and establishing footbridges. An example of highland technology is Cumbemayo, in Cajamarca, a canal carved in stone. The importance of the hydraulic works is reflected in the numerous myths that tell of the origins of these works.
Agricultural products
Together with animal husbandry, agriculture represented the basis of the Inca economy. The populations that inhabited the Andean area managed to domesticate and acclimatize a great variety of products to diverse conditions, taking advantage of land considered difficult for agricultural production. The main crop they grew was the potato, with which they prepared different types of chuño; also other tubers such as mashua, olluco and oca. Maize was considered a luxury resource that conferred prestige and was grown for bureaucratic, military and ceremonial purposes. On the coast they grew sweet potato, beans, etc.
Animal husbandry
In the pre-Hispanic Andes, camelids played a truly important role in the economy. In particular, it was the llama and the alpaca (the only camelids domesticated by Andean man) which, raised in large-scale herds, were used for different purposes within the Inca system of production. Likewise, two other species of undomesticated camelids were used: the vicuña and the guanaco. The former was hunted by means of chacos (collective hunts) to be shorn (with herding tools such as stones, knives, stone axes and metal axes such as copper ones) and then set free; in this way they ensured that their numbers were maintained. Guanacos, on the other hand, were hunted for their meat, which was highly prized. The chroniclers state that the meat of all the camelids was eaten, but owing to the restrictions on their slaughter, its consumption must have been quite a luxury. The population probably had access to fresh meat only in the army or on ceremonial occasions, when there was a wide distribution of the sacrificed animals. In the viceregal era, the pastures gradually disappeared or became impoverished, owing exclusively to the massive presence of the animals introduced by the Spaniards and the feeding habits of these animals. The Andean environment underwent a considerable change with the domestic animals that arrived with the Hispanic presence.
Labor
Labor represented the main activity of the Inca Empire and took the following forms: mita, minca and ayni.
- The mita was a system of labor on behalf of the State, in which multitudes of indigenous people were mobilized to work in three-month shifts on the construction of roads, bridges, fortresses, administrative centers, temples, aqueducts, the working of mines, etc. There was a mita for special services such as the work of bearers of the Sapa Inca, musicians, chasquis and dancers; those obliged to perform this work were married adult men, but not women, aged between 18 and 50.
- The minca, minka, or minga, is the work carried out on projects on behalf of the aillu and of the Sun (Inti), a kind of communal work done free of charge and in turns; it was a form of benefit for the State, to which many families came carrying their own tools, food and drink. The families took part in the construction of buildings and irrigation canals, as well as in helping in the fields of disabled people, orphans and the elderly. When the aillu called people to the work of the minca, no one refused, but people who did not attend the work were expelled from the aillu and lost their right to the land.
- The ayni was a system of family reciprocal labor among the members of the aillu, intended for agricultural work and the construction of houses. The ayni consisted of the help with work that a group of people gave to members of a family, on condition that the family would reciprocate in the same way when they needed it, as the saying goes: "today for you, tomorrow for me", and in return food and drink were served during the days the work was carried out. This tradition continues in many peasant communities of Peru, where people help one another with cooking, herding and house building.
Inca administration
The verbal contractual basis of the administration of goods and services was frequently based on two basic principles: reciprocity and redistribution.
Reciprocity and redistribution
- Reciprocity is the exchange of labor or goods, or reciprocal labor; so strong was the tradition of this concept that, among the Incas, it was not seen as an exchange of favors but as a responsibility toward the members of the aillu, which is why it was practiced within an aillu and, with few exceptions, between neighboring aillus. Since the clan or aillu was the basic economic structure and was founded on family ties, the sovereign formed ties with the curacas (heads of aillu), giving them his daughters in marriage or marrying the daughters of the curacas; in any case, the Sapa Inca was related to his entire empire, thereby becoming a kind of Supreme Curaca. We point out this last fact in order to understand symmetrical reciprocity and asymmetrical reciprocity.[28]
The basis that sustained symmetrical reciprocity, or mutual and reciprocal support among relatives within the aillu, was the common ownership of the land, exploited communally for specialized production and in the pastures, and on a family basis in the parts devoted to subsistence farming. The land of the aillu was divided into a certain number of sectors, taking into account their ecological conditions and the rotational cycles of the crops, with each family having the right to access land in each of the sectors, which led to an effort to control as many ecological levels as possible. Kinship represented the regulating system of the organization of the relations of production, distinguishing between close and distant relatives. Among the former, reciprocity in the relations of production and distribution was generalized, while among the latter it was more specific, because the services exchanged were counted so as to be returned in the same form and quantity.[29]
Asymmetrical reciprocity took place between the members of the aillu and the Inca: in exchange for the collection of surpluses, the Inca provided his subjects with external security and assistance in case of misfortune. It consisted of the distribution of surpluses by the Inca State. In case of drought or plagues, for example, the officials of the empire supplied the affected regions with the surpluses of favored regions; the products were stored in the so-called "Tambos" so as to be available in case of need.[28]
- Redistribution implied the recognition, on the part of the peasants, of the different levels of authority that existed in society. The aillus delivered tribute to the curacas, and the goods paid in tribute were accumulated in royal storehouses located in villages, along roads and in cities.
When some peoples of the Empire could not meet their basic needs because the regions in which they lived had been affected by poor harvests or other catastrophes, the Inca State redistributed part of the stored food, raw materials and manufactured products.
It also used the accumulated goods to defray the expenses of the constant military expeditions, and to reward the services rendered by some officials, generally nobles.
Road network (Qhapaq Ñan)
The Qhapaq Ñan was a system of roads spanning enormous distances in the Inca civilization that linked the important cities of the coast and the highlands. It was structured on the basis of two longitudinal axes: the mountain sector and the coastal plain sector. This system of the Incas was the millennial legacy of pre-Inca cultures, enhanced during the Inca State.
All these roads were connected to Cusco, the capital of the Tahuantinsuyo or Inca Empire; they facilitated its communication with the various peoples annexed in the course of the Inca expansion process and, at the same time, constituted an effective means of political-administrative, socio-economic and cultural integration. Since the Qhapaq Ñan interconnected places as distant as Quito, Cusco and Tucumán, the Spanish conquistadors used it during the 16th century to invade Peru, Bolivia, Chile and the Argentine mountain pampas
At present, the theory is being put forward of an Inca-built road connecting Cuzco with the Atlantic coast of Brazil in the state of São Paulo; this road is named Peabirú (note the coincidence of the last two syllables with the word "Birú", the original name of Peru).[30]
Supply systems
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The Tambo was an enclosure located beside an important road, used by itinerant state personnel as a lodging and as a collection center for administrative and military purposes. Its importance lies in the fact that the tambos are the most widespread buildings throughout the Inca Empire. The Inca road (Qhapaq Ñan) had tambos 20 or 30 km apart (a day's journey on foot). Their main function was to house the chasquis (messengers) and the Inca officials who traveled these roads. There is no information as to whether they housed ordinary common men. People from the nearby communities were recruited to serve in the tambos as part of the labor system called mita.
In addition to serving as a shelter, it is known that the tambos were collection centers for food, wool, firewood and other basic materials for sustenance. Thus, in times of climatic hardship or natural disasters, the tambos fed and supplied some materials to the population of the nearest villages. Since agriculture was the main source of food for the inhabitants of the Inca Empire, the administration established these places as a storehouse where food could be kept in case of emergency, thus ensuring the well-being of the population.
The chasquis
The chasquis were young runners who carried a message or errand in the postal system of the Tahuantinsuyo, running from one relay post to the next.
He was the personal messenger of the Inca, who used a relay system to deliver messages or objects. Fundamentally, they carried information in the quipus that had been prepared by the Quipucamayoc. In short, the chasquis were like the postmen of the Inca royalty.
The chasquis were seasoned experts, physically trained from an early age, and they traveled through a system of relay posts (tambos) along the extensive roads built by the Inca state, since on them could depend an order to call off a military action in time, or the arrival of reinforcements at a battle. They were sons of curacas, trustworthy people.
He always carried a pututu, a conch-shell trumpet, to announce his Peruvian arrival and alert his relief; as weapons he carried a club and a huaraca (sling), a quipu in which he brought the information, a bundle on his back in which he carried objects and parcels, a staff, and on his head a plume of white feathers as a visual identifier. "They say that a snail from Colombia arrived alive to the Inca, in Cuzco."
They also served as spies for the empire and the nobility in devising military battle strategies against the other peoples and cultures of Latin America in pre-Columbian times.
Army
The army was a very important institution whose main task was the conquest of new territories to annex them to the empire, although it also played a prominent role in keeping recently conquered ethnic groups, such as the Guallas, Sahuasiray, Antasayas, etc., under the rule of Cuzco.
Command seems to have been dual, since at its head were chiefs representing the hanan and hurin halves. There were permanent cadres in the hands of the members of the Inca lineages, including the Inca and his closest relatives. The training of the members of the elite had a strong military component; their initiation ceremonies paid great attention to military aptitudes and physical endurance.
From the reign of the Inca Tupac Yupanqui onward, professional soldiers began to be trained, completely detached from productive tasks. This is the case of the personal guard of the Inca, as well as of hereditary warrior castes.
Religion
Religion was constantly present in all spheres of Inca activity. In the legends of the formation of the Inca Empire, a marked sexual difference between man and woman can be perceived. They were polytheists (that is, they believed in several gods), the most prominent being the cult of the "Sun God (Inti)".
Andean worldview
According to Inca mythology, there were three different worlds, which had been created by the Inca god Viracocha (also known as Wiracocha or Huiracocha). The division was as follows:
1. Hanan Pacha (upper, celestial or supraterrestrial world): It was the celestial world, and only righteous people could enter it, by crossing a bridge made of hair. In Andean tradition, the Hanan Pacha was defined as the upper world where gods such as Viracocha, Inti, Mama Quilla, Pachacamac, Mama Cocha, etc., dwelt. It was represented by the condor, the ancestral bird of the Andes.
2. Kay Pacha (world of the present and of here): It is the name of the earthly world, where human beings dwell and spend their lives. It is represented by the puma, an animal that walks on foot, of the terrestrial world.
3. Uku Pacha (lower world or world of the dead): It was the lower world or world of the dead, of unborn children and of everything that lay beneath the surface of the earth or the sea. Springs, caves and other openings in the earth's surface were considered lines of communication between the Uku Pacha and the Kay Pacha. It was represented by the serpent, a crawling animal of the depths.
Temples
• Pascaumati
• Temple of the Sun (Coricancha), in Cuzco.
• Temple of the Moon.
• Temple of Pachacámac (destroyed).
• Temple of Urpi Huachac.
• Plaza of the pilgrims.
Festivities
As well as of a collective character. The moments of life transition, rites of passage, stages of astral cycles, the arrival of the rains and of the harvest were celebrated. We have, for example:
| Month | Inca month | Translation |
|---|---|---|
| January | Huchuy Pocoy | Small ripening |
| February | Hatun Pocoy | Great ripening |
| March | Paucar Warai | Garment of flowers |
| April | Ariway | Dance of the young maize |
| May | Aimuar | Song to the harvest |
| June | Inti Raymi | Festival of the Sun |
| July | Anta Situwai | Earthly purification |
| August | Qhapaq Situwa | The full and great purification |
| September | Quya Raymi | Festival of the queen |
| October | Uma Raymi | Festival of water |
| November | Aya Marqa | Sacred homage to the dead |
| December | Cápac Raymi | The great feast of the powerful noble |
The Incas constituted the ruling apex of an imperial State supported by its central nobility, and the policy of integration and domination begun by Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui. They managed to consolidate power over an immense territory and a growing population in its four regions or suyos
Inca gods
His full name, in order to emphasize his status as supreme being, is: Apu Qun Tiqsi Wiraqucha (Apu Kon Titi Viracocha). He was considered the original splendor or The Lord, Master of the World. In fact, he was the first divinity of the ancient Peruvians, of the inhabitants of Caral, Chavín, Huari and especially the Tiahuanacos, who came from Lake Titicaca. He emerged from the waters and created the sky and the earth.
The cult of the god involved a concept of the abstract and the intellectual, and it was intended only for the nobility. Huiracocha, like other gods, was a nomadic god and had a winged companion, the Inti Bird, a kind of magician bird that knew the present and the future. This magician bird is none other than the Corikente of the oral traditions, the golden hummingbird, messenger of the gods, whose feathers were used for the mascaipacha, or imperial crown of the Inca. Huiracocha is represented with two staffs, which apparently were actually spear-throwers or warakas (giant Andean slings)
Inti (Sun)
He was the sun god and supreme god, who exercised present sovereignty on the divine plane (Hanan Pacha). He was also the son of the sun god of the ancient world (Ñaupapacha) and reigned over human beings in the present world (Kaypacha). Inti was the most important popular divinity of the Inca Empire and was worshipped in several sanctuaries. He was given offerings of gold, silver and livestock, as well as the so-called Virgins of the Sun. As the most important god, he was also given human offerings in the month of the Capac hucha, which often consisted of prisoners condemned to death.
Mama Quilla (Moon)
She was the mother moon and wife of Inti. Mother of the firmament, there was a statue of her in the Temple of the Sun, where an Order of Priestesses worshipped her. The ancient Moche, unlike the Incas, considered the Moon the principal deity.
Also called Mother Earth, since she was responsible for bringing about fertility in the fields. Offerings or payments were made to her.
He was a new version of Viracocha, worshipped on the Central Coast of the Inca Empire. He was known as the god of earthquakes, and his cult underwent an apparent syncretism with the present-day Lord of Miracles, who has features of this ancient pagan god according to the historian María Rostworowski.
She was the Mother Maize, or mother of food, the most important of the conopas (religious representations) of food, together with coca and the potato.
Mother of the Sea, who was worshipped to calm rough waters and for good fishing. She was the mother who represented everything feminine.
Minor gods
Apart from the great Wiracocha and his earthly court of Amautas, or wise men and first priests and administrators, the second ring of clerics, the military nobility and the aillus or guilds, governed down to their slightest movement by the law of the Inca, the common people had their own pantheon with other minor gods, whom they perhaps found simpler and closer to turn to in search of favors and solutions.
The curly star, or morning star, accompanied the Sun, as did Illapa, god of thunder and battle, just as the image of the golden star, the evening star, Venus or Chasca, kept watch beside the Moon, and Chuychú, the beautiful rainbow, was beneath both great gods. The rainbow was later raised to god of the nobles because it represented the beauty that was reserved for the nobles
The constellation of the coca cup (Kukaa Manka) was a constellation that watched over the magical herbs, as the constellation of the maize cup (Sara Manca) did with vegetable foods, and that of the jaguar (Chinchay) was in charge of the felines. The Wasikamayuq was the tutelary god of the home, while the Qhaxra-kamayuq strove to prevent thieves from entering that same house, and the Auquis took on the watch over each village. There was also a god of storms and another god of hail; after Pacha Mama, the goddess of the Earth, came Apu katikil and Pikiru, as tutelary gods of twins; the serpent Hurkaway was the divinity of what lay underground, while the greedy Supay reigned in the world of the dead and never ceased to claim more and more victims for his cause, which led the Spaniards to give him the name of devil, although he had both benign and malign qualities.
There was also the god Wakon or Kon, a brother of Pachacamac who was expelled by him and who, when forced to leave, took the rain with him and left the coastal strip of Peru dry forever; an evil god and devourer of children, with a cruel laugh and the ability to roll down the mountains; other brothers, Temenduare and Arikuté, gave rise to the flood with their quarrels, conjuring up a fearsome monster with hundreds of legs of water.
In all, and according to some oral traditions, the first sun of the world or ancient earth (Ñaupa pacha) was Viracocha, who created his court and had four sons: Kon or Wakon, god of droughts; Mallko (Temenduare?), god of law; Vichama (Arikute?), god of war and vengeance; and Pachacamac, who successively ruled the present world, destroying it in succession. These are related to the 4 brothers of the myth of the Ayar brothers, one of the myths of the creation of the Inca Empire. Pachakamac in turn had as children the sun and the moon of the present world or Kay Pacha. Pachakamac went into self-imposed exile in the sea, from where he controls earthquakes, leaving the world under the command of his son Inti, or sun of the present world.
There are other "huacas" or gods, such as Catequil, a powerful oracle god; Huallallo Carhuincho, a god of fire with malign features; Wari, a giant god of war related to the culture of the same name; Amaru, the divine mythological serpent, among many others named in countless oral traditions recently compiled by amateurs such as Toro Montalvo and the members of the association Dragones del Sur.
Material and intangible culture
Architecture
It was, without a doubt, the most advanced art of the Tahuantinsuyo. It developed under the demands of the Cuzco nobility, which, interested in affirming its power, raised gigantic stone constructions, inspiring reverence and astonishment in the communities, whose collective labor, subject to state exploitation (mita), made such buildings possible throughout the Tahuantinsuyo, especially in its center of power: Cuzco.
Its architecture was characterized by its solidity, simplicity and symmetry. In the imperial stage, its doors and windows were always trapezoidal in shape, a formal symbol of the Incas in their llactas or administrative urban bases. Various techniques were used for construction: ceramic models, instruments such as the string level, special clay for moving the carved granite blocks, or also rounded pebbles, and inclined planes to raise stones weighing several tons to great heights (earth was piled up from the ground level to the exact height where the stone was to be placed); there is also evidence of the use of tenons and mortises to make the construction solid, joining the stones perfectly without using any kind of mortar
Architecture is commonly classified, according to its purpose, into the following types:
Inca architectural forms
- Kanchas
- Kallankas
- Ushnu
- Tambos
- The Acllahuasi
Provincial administrative centers
As the empire expanded, provincial centers were built from which the different conquered regions were administered. State planning involved the use of clay models representing anything from entire valleys to a single building, before construction began. On the coast, stone was usually replaced by rammed earth or adobe.
- Tambo Colorado
- Huánuco Pampa
- Tomebamba
- Cajamarca
- Quito
- Shincal
- Batungasta
- Lumbra
- Los Huacos-Hualmay
- La Paya-Guitián
- Paria Vieja
- Uma Porco
- Cochabamba
- Pumpu
- Aypate
- Curamba
- Armatambo
- Santiago de Chile
- Farfán
- La Viña
- Moqi
- Sama La Antigua
- Cabeza de Vaca
- Huacones-Vilcahuasi
Religious constructions
- Vilcashuamán
- Coricancha in Quenqo
- Inticancha
- Tambomachay (Water fountains)
Military and commemorative constructions
Given the domination and exploitation of the other nations by the Cuzco nobility, the Incas always had to affirm their supremacy with a military presence, and for this purpose they built fortresses
- Incahuasi
- Sacsayhuaman
- Puka
- Pisaq
Elite architecture
Ceramics
Pottery: These were works of a utilitarian character and for ceremonial purposes; they were polychrome, pre-fired, with a polished surface:
without great display or bright hues. The following stand out in particular:
- The urpu or aryballoi: For the most part, jugs or vessels for making chicha; with a conical base and a widened body to prevent the rapid spoiling of the liquid
- Handled plates: rounded plates fitted with handles, often decorated with an animal's head. They also made wooden cups, the keros, with a dark background and drawings of human faces and of camelids
Textiles
Textile art in Peru had its antecedents in Huaca Prieta. It reached its greatest development with the Paracas and later with the Chancay. During the Andean classicism that ended with the Incas, garments made of fabrics of different qualities were an expression of social differences.
We have, for example:
- Abasca fabrics: mantles and uncuchas (little ponchos) of the hatun runas, made of camelid wool, dyed white, brown and black
- Cumbi or cumpi fabrics: extremely fine garments of vicuña wool, interwoven with bat hair, with fine multicolored embroidery and geometric figures called tokapus, which according to William Burns were a writing system parallel to the quillca, drawings on walls.
These cumbi were adorned with feathers, plaques of precious metals and chaquiras, little colored shells used as beads, and so on. Their making was in the hands of the acllas in the acllahuasi or textile workshops. The cumbi were worn only by the nobility
Sculpture
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Works in stone constitute the other great body of Inca achievements worth highlighting. They are usually limited to zoomorphic representations of auquenids, llamas, vicuñas and alpacas, and phytomorphic ones, ears of maize, which are known as conopas, and to numerous bowls and vessels popularly called mortars. Rooted in the Andean artistic traditions, the Incas knew how to give their works a character of their own and an originality based on a simplification of forms by means of simple geometric volumes and a schematization of decorative motifs very close to a geometrizing and cubist aesthetic conception. Inca art was characterized by sobriety, geometry and synthesis, tending more toward the practical and functional than toward the formal.
Painting
Painting as an aesthetic expression was manifested in murals and mantles. Bonavía points out the difference between walls painted in one or several colors and murals with designs or motifs representing diverse scenes.
The painted murals were applied on walls plastered with mud, using tempera paint, a technique different from that used for rock paintings. Toward the Early Horizon, the paint was applied directly on the plastered wall, while during the Early Intermediate' Period the plastered wall was covered with white paint and the desired drawing was then applied. Another method used in the same period consisted of tracing incised motifs on the wet mud and then filling them with paint.
In the Moche period, mural paintings and high reliefs in mud were used, such as those discovered at the Huaca de la Luna and the Huaca del Brujo, in the department of La Libertad, about 5 km south of Trujillo.
The technique and use of mantles painted on plain cotton cloth was a custom of the whole coast, with greater emphasis in the north. As late as the years 1570 to 1577 there were artists specialized in the art of painting mantles who practiced their trade by moving from one place to another. At that time these craftsmen requested a license from the oidor to practice their art and go freely through the valleys without being hindered.
These mantles can be seen in museums and private collections; they were perhaps used to cover bare walls or to serve as clothing for important lords.
Another item within pictorial art was the making of a kind of painted maps that represented a place or a region. The chronicler Betanzos relates that after the defeat of the Chancas inflicted by Prince Cusi Yupanqui, the Cuzco dignitaries came before him to offer him the borla (royal fringe) and found him painting the changes he intended to introduce in Cuzco.
This report would not be enough to confirm such a practice if it were not supported by another reference, the statement in the lawsuit held between the ethnic groups of Canta and Chaclla in 1558-1570. One of the litigants presented there, before the Real Audiencia of Los Reyes, drawings of their valley indicating their territorial claims, while the others exhibited a clay model of the whole valley. Sarmiento de Gamboa said that when a valley was conquered a model was made and presented to the Inca, who, in front of those in charge of carrying out the changes, made his wishes known.
Featherwork
Featherwork garments show an aesthetic taste for color and were used in mantles, shirts, fans and parasols to protect personages carried on litters from the sun. The brilliant hues of the feathers used indicate a jungle origin, from which we conclude that there must have been barter throughout the length and breadth of the country between the jungle, the highlands and the coast.
The chronicler Santa Cruz Pachacuti relates that for great events, such as the marriage of Huayna Cápac to his sister on the day he received the borla or mascaipacha, the insignia of power, the thatched roofs of the palaces and temples of Cuzco were covered with the most striking mantles made of multicolored feathers. The spectacle must have been magnificent and awe-inspiring, since the brilliant colors of the roofs contrasted with the sobriety of the stones and the gold friezes of the palace walls.
Goldsmithing and metallurgy
The Andean area of Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador was the cradle of metallurgy in South America, and it arose without any influence coming from the Old World.
There were two metallurgical centers, one in the area of the Peruvian-Bolivian altiplano and the other on the north coast in the Mochica-Lambayeque region. From these two places the knowledge spread south, toward Chile and Argentina, and north, to Colombia and Panama, later reaching the western coasts of Mexico.
Metallurgy in the Andes is of great antiquity, and its craftsmen achieved the most varied techniques and alloys.
There were expert silversmiths all along the coast, and during the Inca heyday its rulers settled mitimaes in Cuzco for the production of luxury objects. Various documents name these groups coming from Chimú, Pachacámac, Ica and Chincha. It is likely that their works followed Inca aesthetic tastes. We know of the settlement in Zurite, near Cuzco, of some yana silversmiths of Huayna Cápac, from Huancavilca (present-day Ecuador), who lived on the sovereign's lands and whose obligation was to make objects for the Inca.
The large presence of indigenous silversmiths in Cuzco was later taken advantage of by the oidores, corregidores and encomenderos for the making of personal tableware of gold and silver, evading the obligation of the King's fifth. For this reason, there are few 16th-century silver pieces in Peru bearing hallmarks.
For the making of weapons, copper and its alloys were used, such as bronze, above all for the making of ceremonial knives and axes for the nobility; it is also believed that they used platinum and iron, although only for making small ornaments.
Music
The Incas had several wind and percussion musical instruments, among which are: the quena, the tinya or Wankar, the calabacín, the zampoña and the baqueta. Music played an important role on various occasions. It is known that there was love, war, funeral and agricultural music. Inca music was composed of five musical notes.
One characteristic was the performance of music during agricultural labor on State lands, by which they turned the hard work of the fields into pleasant gatherings.
The musical instruments used in bodily expressions varied according to the dances to be performed, the participants, the regions or the reasons for the celebrations.
Flutes were one of the most popular instruments. The quenas were generally made of human bones, while other flutes were made of clay, silver or, most commonly, reeds.
Among them stand out the cane sikus, each instrument of which is divided into two halves with complementary tones and played by a pair of instruments. To form a melody, both instruments must play alternately when it is their turn and also simultaneously with the other registers.
The antaras or pan flutes were made of ceramic with nine bent tubes; those made of reeds were held together by fine cords.
As for the trumpets found in the tombs of the coast, they were part of the tribute of the Yunga lords. They are often found broken, since their destruction formed part of the funeral ritual.
The sea conch or Strombus was represented from the time of Chavín de Huantar, and in Quechua it is called huayllaquepa. The word pututu, by which it is called today, comes from the Caribbean and was brought by the Spaniards along with the words maíz, chicha and ají, among others. It is an adaptation of fututo, since the letter "f" does not exist in Quechua.
A basic musical instrument was the drum. It could be of various sizes and sounds, and was used to mark the rhythm in collective dances. There were small ones, illustrated by Guaman Poma, which were played by women; large ones, which were made of puma or otorongo skin and called poma tinya; and finally the runa tinya, made of human skin.
The beat was also marked with silver bells or clusters of seeds tied to the legs of the dancers. In the Moche culture, the great lords or the gods wore large gold rattles tied to their waists, like those of the Lord of Sipán.
Among peasant groups and at certain festivities or celebrations, they blew into dried deer heads as if they were flutes and marked the dancers' steps with them.
Literature
Before the Spanish conquest there was a rich and varied oral literature in the area of the Inca Empire. Some samples of Quechua religious poetry, narratives and legends have come down to us thanks to their having been transcribed by chroniclers such as Cristóbal de Molina, the Cuzqueño, author of Fábulas y ritos de los incas (1575); Santa Cruz Pachacuti, an evangelized indigenous man and defender of the Spanish Crown, who wrote the Relación de antigüedades de este reino del Perú (1613), in which he describes Quechua religion and philosophy and records in the Quechua language some poems of the oral tradition; the Inca Garcilaso de la Vega (1539-1616); and Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala, whose work Nueva crónica y buen gobierno makes it possible to reconstruct a good part of the history and genealogy of the Incas, as well as numerous aspects of Peruvian society after the conquest.
Thanks to them and to other 17th-century chroniclers, part of this legacy survived and is a living source for later literature. This work was continued much later by modern and contemporary anthropologists, historians and researchers. One of the most influential is José María Arguedas, also important for his novels, who underlines the importance of the bilingual and multicultural character of Peru.
Languages of the empire
The Inca Empire was a multicultural and multilingual state, which encompassed some regions of very high cultural and linguistic diversity, such as northern Peru, Ecuador and, to a lesser extent, eastern Bolivia. Some languages were widely used alongside the Quechuan languages. Among the most important languages are some that were associated with important pre-Inca kingdoms. A non-exhaustive list of regionally important languages is:
- Puquina language, around Lake Titicaca.
- Aymara language, around Lake Titicaca and in surrounding regions.
- Mochica language, in northwestern Peru and the north coast.
- Quingnam language, on the central coast of Peru.
- Chacha language, in the territory dominated by the Chachapoyas.
- Cacán language, in the south of the empire.
Science and technology
Military technology
The Incas were skilled metalworkers; they made bronze weapons and household objects. They made axes and maces for hand-to-hand combat and, among other military objects, also projectile weapons such as bows and arrows, also using slings called huaracas.
The maces were star-shaped with a hole in the center so that they could be fitted onto a stick; they were called macanas.
They also knew how to forge iron,[citation needed] but they used it for highly decorative objects, although they also used gold and silver for this purpose.
Discoveries
According to the historian José Antonio del Busto, with the maritime expedition carried out by Tupac Yupanqui, the Incas would have discovered Oceania, having reached Mangareva and Easter Island.[citation needed]
Astronomy
In Inca astronomy the Sun stood out, and its cult seems to be a constant in the cultures of antiquity, no doubt because of the role that the king star plays in the "agricultural calendar". The Incas worshipped the Sun fundamentally so that it would provide them with abundant harvests. It was a dominant force and a symbol of prestige and power.
In Peru the cult of the Sun became official owing to the Inca conquests. The Incas, who worshipped the Sun to the extreme of asserting that the rulers were its sons, carried their religion to all the peoples they subdued through war.
The Sun ("Inti", in Quechua), which they used to represent as a great gold disk surrounded by rays, was worshipped in temples entirely covered in gold, as was the Koricancha or "golden courtyard" in the city of Cuzco. It was also asserted that maize was the tears of the Sun because of the golden color of dried maize. Therefore, the drink made from maize, chicha, was offered to the Sun.
The cult of the Sun had its apotheosis in the Festival of the Sun ("Inti Raymi" in Quechua), which is still reenacted every June 24 in the city of Cuzco.
Some chroniclers state that the Incas could predict eclipses.
The use of astronomy, as in many cultures of the time, had a developed agricultural scope. The Incas were able to divide the seasons into periods of sowing and harvesting for each type of product. This tool was achieved through the use of stone buildings (among them the temples mentioned above) aligned with the cardinal axes, north being the reference guide used.
Medicine
The medicine practiced in the Inca state was closely linked to magic and religion. All illnesses were supposed to be caused by the detachment of the spirit from the body, because of a curse, a fright or a sin. Inca healers came to perform surgical operations, such as cranial trepanations (practiced earlier by the Paracas culture), with the purpose of removing fragments of bone or weapons that remained embedded in the skull after accidents or armed clashes. One of the instruments used in Inca surgery was the "Tumi", or T-shaped metal knife. Coca and chicha were used in large quantities as anesthesia, and it is known that they were also familiar with the use of bandages.
The Kallawaya doctors, traditional in the Andean region, have preserved a detailed ancient classification of plants and animals,[32] which is considered to date from that period. These Kallawayas knew quina, a highly effective plant against malaria.
Agrotechnology
It is estimated that the Incas cultivated about seventy plant species, among them potatoes (Solanum tuberosum and others), sweet potatoes (Ipomoea batatas), maize (Zea mays), ajíes, cotton (Gossypium barbadense), tomato, peanuts (Arachis hypogaea), oca (Oxalis tuberosa) and quinoa (Chenopodium quinoa).
The main agricultural techniques, as regards the arrangement of land, were:
- Andenes or terraces, to prevent erosion and make use of slopes and hills.
- Waru waru, a technique in which furrows were plowed around the crops and filled with water to create a microclimate more stable than the surrounding environment.
- Dry ponds that filled up in the rainy season. This was widely used on the coast. They were simply called lagoons (qucha).
Their technique of improving species also stands out. They knew that soil temperature has a greater influence on plants than air temperature, as the laboratory of Moray attests.
Animal husbandry, on the other hand, was less favored. This was due to the scarce Andean fauna. They used llamas as beasts of burden and alpacas as a source of food and clothing. The vicuña was also highly prized. The guinea pig (Cavia porcellus) was also raised, and to this day it is one of the main dishes of Andean cuisine.
Mathematics and writing
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Mathematical contents or concepts were applied by the Incas mainly in calculating results and quantities in the Economy. Although important measurement systems were developed in the Inca state, the best known are the quipus and yupanas, which represent the important mathematical presence in Inca administration. The quipus were mnemonic systems consisting of knotted cords; only the results of mathematical operations previously carried out on the abaci or yupana were knotted.
The Spanish chroniclers relate that the khipu kamayuqkuna read the history of the Incas in the knots of the quipus, recounting births, wars, conquests, names of the nobles and the times of such events. «Quipos are memorials or records made of cords, in which different knots and different colors signify different things. It is incredible what they achieved in this way, for whatever books can tell of histories, and laws, and ceremonies and accounts of business, all of this the quipos supply so precisely that they are a source of wonder».[33] The writing that underlies the quipus has not yet been deciphered. There is at present a study on possible Inca writing by the Englishman William Burns, who considers that it was alphanumeric in character, represented with geometric figures on textiles and in drawings by the chronicler Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala, and that it would have originated in the time of the ruler Pachacutec.
See also
- History of Peru
- Inca army
- Ancient Peru
- Pre-Columbian America
- Inca Civil War
- Expansion of the Inca Empire
- Inca roads
References
- ↑ * Kupriienko, Serhii (2013). The social and economic system of the Inca Empire Tawantinsuyu. Kyiv: Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine.
- ↑ Terence D'Altroy, The Incas, pp. 2–3.
- ↑ 3.00 3.01 3.02 3.03 3.04 3.05 3.06 3.07 3.08 3.09 3.10 Rostworowski Tovar, María (October 2010). "1. La historia de los incas". Incas. Biblioteca Imprescindibles Peruanos (in español). Peru: Empresa Editora El Comercio S. A. - Producciones Cantabria S.A.C. pp. 17–25. ISBN 978-612-4069-47-5.
{{cite book}}:|access-date=requires|url=(help) - ↑ 4.00 4.01 4.02 4.03 4.04 4.05 4.06 4.07 4.08 4.09 4.10 4.11 4.12 4.13 Rostworowski Tovar, María (October 2010). "2. La ocupación del Cusco". Incas. Biblioteca Imprescindibles Peruanos (in español). Peru: Empresa Editora El Comercio S. A. - Producciones Cantabria S.A.C. pp. 26–35. ISBN 978-612-4069-47-5.
{{cite book}}:|access-date=requires|url=(help) - ↑ Rostworowski Tovar, María (October 2010). "1. La historia de los incas". Incas. Biblioteca Imprescindibles Peruanos (in español). Peru: Empresa Editora El Comercio S. A. - Producciones Cantabria S.A.C. p. 25. ISBN 978-612-4069-47-5.
... así aparecen como productos del siglo XX elementos como la famosa bandera del Tahuantinsuyu y la celebración del Inti Raymi, que realmente no encuentran asidero en ninguna fuente prehispánica o colonial temprana. La fiesta más importante de los incas se sabe que fue el Cápac Raymi, que se celebraba alrededor del solsticio de diciembre; mientras que el arco iris, si bien fue un elemento alegórico típico de los incas, no fue utilizado en forma de bandera bajo ninguna circunstancia.
{{cite book}}:|access-date=requires|url=(help) - ↑ 6.0 6.1 6.2 Julián Santillana (2000). "Los estados panandinos: Huari y Tiwanaku". In Teodoro Hampe Martínez (ed.). Historia del Perú (in español). Vol. Culturas prehispánicas. Barcelona: Lexus. ISBN 9972-625-35-4.
- ↑ 7.0 7.1 Martti Pärssinen (2003). "Copacabana: ¿El nuevo Tiwanaku? Hacia una comprensión multidisciplinaria sobre las secuencias culturales post-tiwanacotas de Pacasa, Bolivia". In Ana María Lorandi, Carmen Salazar-Soler, Nathan Wachtel (ed.). Los Andes: 50 años después (1953-2003) - Homenaje a John Murra (in español) (1 ed.). Peru: Fondo Editorial de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú. pp. 229–280. ISBN 9972-42-592-4.
{{cite book}}:|access-date=requires|url=(help)CS1 maint: multiple names: editors list (link) - ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 8.5 8.6 8.7 Rostworowski Tovar, María (October 2010). "7. El derecho hereditario y la mascapaicha". Incas. Biblioteca Imprescindibles Peruanos (in español). Peru: Empresa Editora El Comercio S. A. - Producciones Cantabria S.A.C. pp. 90–95. ISBN 978-612-4069-47-5.
- ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 Rostworowski Tovar, María (October 2010). "7. El derecho hereditario y la mascapaicha". Incas. Biblioteca Imprescindibles Peruanos (in español). Peru: Empresa Editora El Comercio S. A. - Producciones Cantabria S.A.C. pp. 98–101. ISBN 978-612-4069-47-5.
- ↑ [1]
- ↑ NUEVOS DATOS SOBRE LA PREHISTORIA LOCAL EN LA QUEBRADA DE TOLOMBÓN. PCIA DE SALTA. ARGENTINA. Autor: Verónica I. Williams. Accessed 01-11-2010
- ↑ "argentina" (in español). Retrieved 28 September 2016.
- ↑ Horizonte Inca. El Kollasuyu.
- ↑ Zapater Equioíz, Horacio (October 2011). "Los incas y la conquista de Chile" (PDF). Revista Historia (in español) (16). Santiago: Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile: 249–268. Archived from the original (PDF) on 3 February 2014. Retrieved 1 November 2014.
- ↑ Ortiguera, Toribio de 1586 Jornada del Río Marañón. Madrid: Atlas, 1968
- ↑ Cieza, 1553. "y cada capitanía llevaba una bandera y unos eran honderos y otros lanceros y otros peleaban con macana"
- ↑ Acosta, 1590.
- ↑ Garcilaso, 1609
- ↑ Murúa, 1613.
- ↑ Pachacuti Yamqui, 1613.
- ↑ Guamán Poma, 1615.
- ↑ Cobo, 1653.
- ↑ Arco celeste referred to the rainbow.
- ↑ Bandera Gay o Bandera del Tahuantinsuyo Terra.com
- ↑ "Cusco cambiará la bandera de arco iris debido a semejanza con insignia gay" (in español). Retrieved 28 September 2016.
- ↑ 26.0 26.1 ""Bandera del Tahuantinsuyo"" (PDF) (in español). Congreso de la República del Perú. 2003. Retrieved 4 July 2011.
- ↑ 27.00 27.01 27.02 27.03 27.04 27.05 27.06 27.07 27.08 27.09 27.10 27.11 27.12 27.13 27.14 27.15 27.16 27.17 27.18 27.19 27.20 27.21 27.22 27.23 27.24 27.25 27.26 27.27 27.28 27.29 27.30 27.31 27.32 27.33 27.34 27.35 27.36 27.37 Teresa Vergara (2000). "Tahuantinsuyo: El mundo de los Incas". In Teodoro Hampe Martínez (ed.). Historia del Perú (in español). Vol. Incanato y conquista. Barcelona: Lexus. ISBN 9972-625-35-4.
- ↑ 28.0 28.1 "Discovery" (in español). Retrieved September 28, 2016.
- ↑ Alberti, Giorgio and Enrique Mayer, Reciprocidad e intercambio en los Andes Peruanos, Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima, 1974.
- ↑ "Imperio incaico" (in español). Archived from the original on November 21, 2018. Retrieved November 21, 2018.
- ↑ "Cabeza de Viracocha". www.culturaydeporte.gob.es (in español). Retrieved 2021-03-23.
- ↑ Girault, L. p. 30.
- ↑ "Historia natural y moral de Indias". José Acosta.
Bibliography
- Gasparini, Graziano & Margolies, Luise (1997). Arquitectura inka (in español). Caracas: Centro de Investigaciones Históricas y Estéticas, Facultad de Arquitectura y Urbanismo, Universidad Central de Venezuela.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - Kamen, Henry. Imperio (in español). ISBN 84-03-09316-0.
- Marzal, Manuel (2005). Religiones andinas (in español). Colección: Enciclopedia Iberoamericana de Religiones 4. Madrid: Editorial Trotta. ISBN 978-84-8164-711-2.
- Ortiz Rescaniere, Alejandro (2006). Mitologías amerindias (in español). Colección: Enciclopedia Iberoamericana de Religiones 5. Madrid: Editorial Trotta. ISBN 978-84-8164-858-4.
- Pease. Los últimos incas del Cuzco (in español).
- Rostworowski, María. Enciclopedia Temática: Incas (in español). ISBN 9972-752-00-3.
- Rostworowski, María (1995). Historia del Tahuantinsuyo (in español). Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, IEP Ediciones. ISBN 9972-51-029-8.
- Rostworowski, María (1997). Pachacutec y la leyenda de los Chancas (in español). Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, IEP Ediciones.
- Rostworowski, María. Historia de los incas (in español). Lima: Prolibro - Asociación Editorial Bruño.
- Rowe, John H. (1946). Inca Culture at the Time of the Spanish Conquest. Handbook of South American Indians. Washington, Bureau of South American Ethnology. Bulletin 143, vol.2.
- Vargas, Angles. Historia del Cuzco (in español).
- Villanueva Sotomayor, Julio R. (2001). El Perú en los tiempos modernos (in español). Lima, Perú: Empresa Periodística Nacional S.A.C.
- Von Hagen (1957). Realm of the Incas.
- VV. AA. Culturas prehispánicas (in español). Muxica Editores. ISBN 9972-617-10-6.
- VV. AA. Historia Universal: América precolombina (in español). Editorial Sol 90. ISBN 9972-891-79-8.
- Ward, Thomas (2018). The Formation of Latin American Nations: From Late Antiquity to Early Modernity. University of Oklahoma Press. ISBN 978-0-8061-6150-1.
South American bibliography
- María Rostworowski: Historia del Tawantinsuyu. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, Lima (1988), six thousand copies.
- Franklin Pease: Historia Los Incas. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú PUCP - Fondo Editorial, Lima (1991)
- Virgilio Roel Pineda: Cultura Peruana e historia de los Incas. Universidad Alas Peruanas. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Lima (2001)
- Waldemar Espinoza: Los Incas. Economía Sociedad y Estado en la Era del Tahuantinsuyo. Amaru Editores. Lima (1987)
- Jesús Lara: La Cultura de los Inkas. Editorial "Los Amigos del Libro". La Paz - Cochabamba (1967)
- José Antonio del Busto Duthurburu: Historia Cronológica del Perú. Petro Perú edition. Lima (2006)
- Lumbreras Editores: Historia del Perú. Una mirada al pasado. Peru, Lima (2017)
External links
- Information about the Inca Empire (in Spanish)
- Inca architecture, history and religion (in Spanish)
