Emiliano Zapata

For other uses, see Emiliano Zapata (disambiguation).

Emiliano Zapata Salazar
Emiliano Zapata in 1914
Born	August 8, 1879 Anenecuilco, Morelos, Mexico
Died	April 10, 1919 (aged 39) Chinameca, Morelos, Mexico
Cause of death	Assassination
Military career
Allegiance	Liberation Army of the South, 1911–1919
Rank	Division General
Nicknames	El Caudillo del Sur (The Caudillo of the South) El Atila del Sur (The Attila of the South)
Unit	Liberation Army of the South
Commands	Liberation Army of the South
Conflicts	Mexican Revolution (1910–1919)
Signature

Emiliano Zapata Salazar (Anenecuilco, Morelos, August 8, 1879 – Chinameca, Morelos, April 10, 1919), known as Emiliano Zapata, was one of the most important military leaders and peasant leaders of the Mexican Revolution and a symbol of peasant resistance in Mexico.

As part of the revolutionary movement, he commanded the Liberation Army of the South. He was also known as the "Caudillo of the South." He was an ideologue and promoter of social struggles and agrarian demands, as well as of social justice, liberty, equality, social democracy, communal ownership of land, and respect for the Indigenous, peasant, and working-class communities of Mexico, victims of the oligarchy and the latifundism of the hacienda owners of the Porfiriato.

Although Zapata, together with Pancho Villa, was excluded from the 1917 Constituent Congress, the social constitutionalism that emerged from it, especially Article 27, is owed to them.

Early life

Emiliano Zapata was born into a landowning family, the son of Gabriel Zapata and Cleofas Salazar. He had six sisters: Celsa, Ramona, María de Jesús, María de la Luz, Jovita, and Matilde; and three brothers: Pedro, Eufemio (who also reached the rank of General in the Revolution), and Loreto. His maternal grandfather, José Salazar, served in the army of José María Morelos y Pavón during the Siege of Cuautla; his paternal uncles Cristino and José Zapata fought in the Reform War and in the French Intervention under the orders of Generals Carlos Pacheco and Porfirio Díaz.

Remains of Emiliano Zapata's birthplace in Anenecuilco, Morelos

His childhood unfolded in the context of Porfirian latifundism in Morelos. He received his first schooling from the teacher Emilio Vara, who had been an old Juarista soldier. At the age of nine, upon witnessing the dispossession of peasants' lands by the hacienda owners of the area, and after hearing his father reply that nothing could be done, he said to him:

It can't be done? Well, when I grow up, I will make them give them back.

He was 16 years old when his mother died; 11 months later he also lost his father.

He soon worked as a farmhand and muleteer. On June 15, 1897, he was apprehended by the rural forces of Cuernavaca during the town festival of Anenecuilco. His brother Eufemio, pistol in hand, managed to have him released. For this reason, the Zapata brothers left the state. Emiliano spent a year working at the hacienda of Jaltepec in Puebla.

First political ventures

In 1906 he attended a meeting of peasants in Cuautla to discuss how to defend their lands and those of the town against the neighboring hacienda owners. His rebelliousness condemned him to the leva (conscription), and in 1908 Zapata was incorporated into the 9th Cavalry Regiment, under the command of Colonel Alfonso Pradillo. In Cuernavaca, Zapata was assigned as groom to Pablo Escandón, Chief of Staff of Porfirio Díaz; after which he was transferred to perform the same duties under Ignacio de la Torre, son-in-law of General Porfirio Díaz, who would take a special liking to him for his skill and knowledge of horses.

Photograph of Emiliano Zapata (right) and his brother Eufemio (left).

On January 24, 1909, the Melchor Ocampo Club was founded in Villa de Ayala; it supported the opposition candidacy of Patricio Leyva for the governorship of the State of Morelos. Zapata was among its members, this being his first political appearance outside the peasant world, supporting said candidate against latifundists such as Pablo Escandón y Barrón, owner of the hacienda of San Diego Atlihuayán.

On September 12, 1909, Emiliano Zapata was elected calpuleque (a Nahuatl word meaning chief, leader, or president) of the Board for the Defense of the lands of Anenecuilco-Villa de Ayala-Moyotepec, where he would begin to analyze documents originating in the Viceroyalty that certified the towns' property rights over their lands. These rights had been denied by the Reform Laws, above all the Lerdo Law, which forced civil corporations to sell their unproductive lands or have them expropriated; in its time, this had been the reason why several Indigenous leaders such as Tomás Mejía supported the Mexican conservative governments and the Second Mexican Empire. These laws were also exploited by various people to enlarge their landholdings illegally by claiming ownership of communal areas that the towns did not work. Because of this, he would become an agrarian leader in Morelos, his native state.

In February 1910 he was forcibly incorporated into the Ninth Cavalry Regiment, based in Cuernavaca, with the rank of private.

In May 1910 he recovered by force the lands of the Hacienda del Hospital, which were protected by the chief of police, José A. Vivanco, and he left them in the possession of the local peasants. Because of this, he had to flee the government several times, as he was declared a bandit. Some months later he took part in the meeting held in Villa de Ayala to discuss what would later become the Plan of Ayala. He gathered the residents of three towns: Anenecuilco, Villa de Ayala, and Moyotepec. With them he began a new distribution of land, tearing down the fences.

The Maderista revolution and the Plan of Ayala

For the cartoonist, "Madero beats around the bush" (literally, "goes along the branches") without resolving any conflict; above him rises an extremely violent Zapatismo, accompanied by death and desolation.

When Francisco I. Madero proclaimed the Plan of San Luis, which marked the start of the Revolution of 1910, Zapata read a copy; his attention was especially drawn to the third article, which offered the restitution of lands to their "former possessors."

Emiliano Zapata

Emiliano Zapata held talks with Pablo Torres Burgos, an influential rural teacher, and with Gabriel Tepepa, Catarino Perdomo, and Margarito Martínez. They agreed that Torres Burgos, the most educated of the group, would meet with the Leader of the Revolution, Francisco I. Madero, in San Antonio, Texas.

After this meeting, Pablo Torres Burgos, Emiliano Zapata, Rafael Merino, and about 60 peasants decided to take up arms, among them Catarino Perdomo, Próculo Capistrán, Manuel Rojas, Juan Sánchez, Cristóbal Gutiérrez, Julio Díaz, Zacarías and Refugio Torres, Jesús Becerra, Bibiano Cortés, Serafín Plascencia, Maurilio Mejía, and Celestino Benítez: on March 10, 1911, gathered during the Lenten fair in the city of Cuautla, they proclaimed the Plan of San Luis. Zapata headed south, as he was already being pursued by Aureliano Blanquet and his battalion of soldiers. In this period of the Zapatista movement, the battles of Chinameca, Jojutla, Jonacatepec, Tlayecac, and Tlaquiltenango stand out, as does the death of the Zapatista and former leader of the southern movement, Pablo Torres Burgos, who had even preceded Emiliano himself. Upon his death, Emiliano Zapata was elected by the revolutionary board of the south, on March 29, 1911, as the new Maderista revolutionary chief of the south.

The Zapatista demands (which would be contained in the Plan of Ayala of November 1911) entailed a radical agrarian reform—"The land belongs to those who work it", a phrase of Teodoro Flores, father of the Flores Magón brothers, which would become the motto of their struggle—unacceptable to the successors of Porfirio Díaz. The same can be said of Francisco León de la Barra, who, making use of his powers as president, led various political and armed confrontations with the southern chief, and even of Francisco I. Madero himself.

Emiliano Zapata established his headquarters in Cuautlixco, a town near Cuautla. From there he directed the attack on the Porfirian Army, defended by the 5th Regiment under the command of Colonel Eutiquio Munguía, as well as a Rural Corps under the orders of Commander Gil Villegas. On March 29, Zapata assumed command of the revolutionary forces, which at that moment numbered about a thousand men. On April 2 he took Huehuetlán, Puebla, and he managed to take the city on May 13, 1911.

Upon the triumph of Maderismo, Zapata could not conceive of disbanding his troops without each man being granted secure land to sow in exchange for his rifle. For him, the war did not end with the overthrow of Porfirismo, but with the realization of the goal of the peasant people: the return of the lands stolen by the millionaire hacienda owners.

This led Francisco León de la Barra, the interim president, to consider him a rebel, so he sent forces to subdue him: a thousand men under the command of Generals Victoriano Huerta and Aureliano Blanquet. By August 1911, Francisco I. Madero agreed to meet Emiliano Zapata in Yautepec to seek a peaceful solution to the southern conflict and in order to convince him to disband his troops. Meanwhile, Zapata was harshly criticized by the country's conservative press. No agreement was reached at the meeting, since Madero did not conceive of agrarian reform as Zapata did. Madero believed that a profound political reform had to come first, whereas for Zapata the return of the lands stolen by the haciendas was the priority. According to Zapata, Madero had betrayed the revolution. The federal government reiterated its decision to impose order through violence, and Zapata deployed with his troops to the borders between Guerrero and Puebla, hiding from the government and setting ambushes for small federal contingents. During this period, Zapata married Josefa Espejo, and the best man at the wedding was Francisco I. Madero himself.

With Madero as President of the Republic, the differences did not diminish. Zapata met with Madero at the National Palace, where they had a heated argument. Madero offered Zapata a hacienda in the State of Morelos "as payment for his services to the Revolution," which enraged Zapata, who replied:

No, Mr. Madero. I did not rise up in arms to conquer lands and haciendas. I rose up in arms so that the people of Morelos would have returned to them what was stolen from them. So then, Mr. Madero, either you fulfill for me and for the state of Morelos what you promised us, or the chichicuilota will carry off both you and me.

As he said this, with a threatening gesture, he struck his .30-30 carbine forcefully on Madero's desk.

In other talks held between Francisco I. Madero and Emiliano Zapata, the latter showed him, through a very simple example, how the peasants felt about the dispossession of their lands:

Look, Mr. Madero; if I, taking advantage of the fact that I am armed, take your watch from you and keep it, and in the course of time we happen to meet again with equal strength, would you have the right to demand its return? —Of course, General, and I would even have the right to ask you for compensation for the time you used it improperly!

Zapata told him that this was exactly what had happened in Morelos, where a handful of hacienda owners had dispossessed the peasants of their lands.

On November 25, 1911, Zapata issued the Plan of Ayala, drafted by Otilio E. Montaño, a document that would become his banner and the faithful example of the ideology of the peasants of Morelos. It demanded the redemption of the Indigenous people and the distribution of the latifundia created during the Porfiriato. It disavowed Francisco I. Madero as President and recognized Pascual Orozco as the legitimate leader of the Mexican Revolution.

After Victoriano Huerta's uprising, this document would be transformed by the different ideologies (many of them influenced by Ricardo Flores Magón), and was later defended by Zapata at the Convention of Aguascalientes. The intellectuals who undertook the modification of the Plan of Ayala, in which they disavowed Madero and Huerta as presidents and Orozco as leader of the revolution, took care to make clear the social character of the movement, and also rectified the concept of "class" within Mexican society. Arturo Felipe Ávila Espinosa (Historian at the Institute of History of UNAM) says:

"They put on the table fundamental political issues that had not been addressed or that had been sidestepped by the other currents, such as the legitimacy of the Revolution, the representation of popular sovereignty in a revolutionary era, the responsibility of the revolutionary currents, the need for their unification for the formation of a new government, and the call for a Convention of all their chiefs to be held to constitute the national government. These observations enriched the political debate among the currents and pointed to a possible route of convergence among them. But, in addition, another characteristic that distinguished Zapatismo was the emphasis with which it defended the social content of the Revolution, its stubbornness in attributing to it a sense of transformation and of reform of the institutions for the benefit of the majority and excluded popular sectors."

In addition, the document postulated that, since what had been promised to the peasantry had not been fulfilled, armed struggle was the only means of obtaining justice. However, the Plan of Ayala is not only a document written to make known the ideas of the Zapatista movement, but it is the first indication in an official document of socialist thought in Mexico, since this had previously appeared in published, but not official, texts by Ricardo Flores Magón. Within the Plan of Ayala, the points that most closely represent such thinking are points 6, 7, and 8:

"that the lands, woods, and waters that the hacienda owners, científicos, or caciques have usurped in the shadow of tyranny and venal justice shall at once be taken into possession, as real property, by the towns or citizens who hold the corresponding titles to those properties, of which they have been dispossessed"

To understand this point, one must remember that in parallel with the Mexican Revolution, the Russian Revolution was taking place, which held socialist ideals applied to the peasant class, which was also the majority in the Russia of the time.

"7. In view of the fact that the immense majority of Mexican towns and citizens own no more than the land they stand on, suffering the horrors of poverty without being able to improve their social condition in any way or to devote themselves to industry or agriculture, because the lands, woods, and waters are monopolized in a few hands, for this reason one third of those monopolies shall be expropriated from their powerful owners, with prior compensation, so that the towns and citizens of Mexico may obtain ejidos, colonies, legal town sites, or fields for sowing or tilling, and so that the lack of prosperity and well-being of Mexicans may be improved in every way and for all"

Here the phrase "The land belongs to those who work it," later used in the Cuban Revolution by Ernesto Che Guevara, is set out in an official document.

"8. The hacienda owners, científicos, or caciques who oppose [...] shall have their property nationalized, as well as the two thirds that correspond to them"

This phrase, extracted from article 8, is vital to begin to discern the socialist thinking of both the authors of the document and Emiliano Zapata.

During 1912, Emiliano Zapata fought the Federal Army, which, under the command of Generals Arnoldo Casso López, Juvencio Robles, and Felipe Ángeles, sought the pacification of the southern states. The Zapatistas sought to defend themselves and did so "brutally," according to the Federal Army's version: references to robberies, arson, and rapes, among other things, are common in the accounts of Zapatista attacks. The truth is that these accounts were altered to justify the havoc wrought by members of the Federal Army. In that year the attacks on Tepalcingo, Yautepec, Cuautla, and Cuernavaca stand out, although it must be said that at that time the Zapatista movement was very weak, both in the political sphere and in the military branch, especially when the Maderista government's campaign against the southern rebels was placed in the hands of General Felipe Ángeles. Through his civilized and tolerant methods, he eroded Zapatismo's base, since Ángeles sympathized with them.

Struggle in the south after Madero's death

General Emiliano Zapata

After the assassination of Francisco I. Madero and the rise to power of Victoriano Huerta, the armed struggle intensified and Zapata was one of the most important revolutionary chiefs, while at the same time introducing important reforms in Morelos.

Later, these positions set him against the new president, Gen. Venustiano Carranza. Once in power, Victoriano Huerta sent a commission headed by the father of Pascual Orozco, Pascual Orozco (father), to negotiate peace with Emiliano Zapata. This would make it easier for him to have one less war front in the country.

Zapata, who now controlled Morelos and part of the State of Mexico, of the state of Guerrero, of Puebla, and of Tlaxcala, refused to make a pact with those whom he called "Madero's murderers." He had Huerta's emissary shot, sent a letter to General Félix Díaz repudiating Huerta's government, and by May of that same year he reformed his Plan of Ayala, declaring that Victoriano Huerta was unworthy of the presidency of the country. Pascual Orozco was stripped of the post of Leader of the Revolution, and Zapata then remained as the sole chief of the Liberation Army of the South.

In the first months of 1914, Zapata took Jonacatepec and Chilpancingo. That same year his army already numbered 27,000 men, so that by April he had completely controlled the state of Morelos and some places in Guerrero. Shortly afterwards he took Cuernavaca, and by June he occupied Cuajimalpa, Xochimilco, and Milpa Alta, thereby threatening Mexico City. The population of the country's capital fled upon learning of the proximity of Zapata's army. The Constitutionalist forces blocked their way by occupying Mexico City before the Zapatista forces themselves, which were closer.

In September, Venustiano Carranza sent Juan Sarabia, Antonio I. Villarreal, and Luis Cabrera Lobato to confer with Emiliano Zapata, but once again the southern caudillo demanded Venustiano Carranza's resignation from the Executive Power and the recognition of the Plan of Ayala. The emissaries, by way of answer, left his camp and the state, since Carranza flatly rejected his demands, describing them as "inappropriate" for the moment the country was living through.

The "Conventionist" government

That same month, Emiliano Zapata, from his headquarters in Cuernavaca, decreed the handing over of lands to the towns. Invited by several delegates to the Convention of Aguascalientes, in which the three most important groups that took part in the Mexican Revolution tried to settle their differences, Zapata did not attend the event in person, but sent a commission made up of Antonio Díaz Soto y Gama, who was the protagonist of the Flag Incident; and Leobardo Galván González, a lawyer from the town of Tepoztlán, born in the neighborhood of Santo Domingo, on what is today Aniceto Villamar street, on a property called "Coyulan," and the only native of Morelos sent by Emiliano Zapata to Aguascalientes, who played an important negotiating role for the attendance of the Zapatista delegation, in negotiations with both Lucio Blanco and General Francisco Villa himself; as well as Paulino Martínez, Manuel J. Santibáñez, and Manuel Uriarte, who remained as observers until the Convention chose to disavow Venustiano Carranza.

Thus, Emiliano Zapata joined Francisco Villa and both recognized Eulalio Gutiérrez as provisional President of Mexico, unlike the faction headed by Venustiano Carranza, which led to the continuation of the civil war. At the end of November, the powerful División del Norte and the Liberation Army of the South entered Mexico City.

Entry of Generals Villa and Zapata into the city.

The Zapatista movement thus achieved national fame as the other side of the coin between the southern peasants and those of the north. During their stay in the capital, the troops behaved more than peacefully: they obtained resources through alms and prevented the robberies and assaults of some bandits who sullied their name by calling themselves Zapatistas. On December 4 of that year, Villa and Zapata held the famous meeting of Xochimilco, achieving a military alliance between the two armies. Villa in turn accepted the Plan of Ayala, except for its accusations against Francisco I. Madero, who had been his redeemer, and he committed himself to giving arms to Zapata.

Villa and Zapata on December 4 in the presidential chair

Once these agreements had been made, Emiliano Zapata set out for Amecameca and took Puebla on December 17, 1914, although in the first days of January the city was wrested from him by the forces of General Álvaro Obregón. The latter would devote his greatest efforts to fighting the powerful Villista army, which allowed Morelos to be governed during 1915 by the peasants who had risen in arms, advised by the intellectuals of the southern struggle.

In 1916, once Venustiano Carranza had established himself in Mexico City and Francisco Villa had suffered serious defeats at the hands of Álvaro Obregón's army, Carranza ordered the offensive against Zapatismo, under the command of Pablo González Garza. With the support even of the army's aviation, Cuernavaca was occupied by the Constitutionalists in May and, although it briefly returned to Zapatista hands, it remained definitively in their power on December 8 of that same year. Lacking weapons and now without Villista support, in a very short time almost all the towns of the state fell into the power of the Constitutionalists. In 1917, Zapata launched a counteroffensive and reconquered Jonacatepec, Yautepec, Cuautla, Miahuatlán, Tetecala, and Cuernavaca.

In March he issued the administrative law for the state, reopened schools, created institutions to restart the production of food from the countryside, and continued the guerrilla war in peripheral and border areas. However, in October of the same year General Pablo González Garza entered Morelos, taking control of the territory.

By 1918, Emiliano Zapata was, just as Francisco Villa would be in 1920, a guerrilla fighter with little future, since given the constant battles and the scarcity of ammunition, the death of the leaders, and Carranza's agrarian law, which appeased the southern cause, his movement, an undoubted manifestation of peasant discontent, never managed to consolidate itself as a true political-military organization. Being a rebellion of peasant masses, it limited itself to waging its guerrilla war from 1918 onward.

Death of Zapata

Zapata's corpse displayed in Cuautla, Morelos, on April 10, 1919.

The war on the government's side took on merciless features in the north. The Gonzalista Jesús Guajardo led Zapata to believe that he was discontented with Carranza and would be willing to join him. Zapata asked him for proof, and Guajardo gave it to him by shooting approximately fifty federal soldiers, with the consent of Carranza and Pablo González, and by offering Zapata weapons and ammunition to continue the struggle.

Thus, they agreed to meet at the Hacienda of Chinameca, Morelos, on April 10, 1919. Zapata camped with his forces on the outskirts of the hacienda and approached it accompanied only by an escort of ten men. As he crossed the threshold, an orderly stationed at the entrance sounded the call to honors on his bugle. That was the signal for the gunmen, hidden on the rooftops, to open fire on Zapata, who managed to draw his pistol, but a bullet knocked it from his hand; then the caudillo fell dead.

Not a few condemned the procedure. Moreover, this meant that, once dead from more than twenty shotgun wounds to the body, Zapata became the propagator of the revolution and a symbol of the dispossessed peasants. The movement continued, although with less intensity, and the Zapatistas agreed to name Gildardo Magaña Cerda chief of the Liberation Army of the South. He would be the last, since almost a year later Zapata's former comrades would join the Aguaprietista government, although some of them would be murdered by that same government.

Among the common people of the State of Morelos, who refused to believe in Zapata's death, the belief circulated that it was not their caudillo who had been murdered by Guajardo. It was said that a mole was missing, or that Zapata was taller or darker. It was said that it was not possible that Zapata, having escaped so many ambushes and having always had such a good nose for deceptions, would have fallen in this way. It was said that Zapata had sent in his place one of his compadres, with whom he bore a great resemblance. However, the identification of Zapata's corpse by former comrades-in-arms and people close to him was conclusive: the corpse was that of the caudillo of the south.

The legends took Zapata as far as the Far East, where an Arab compadre had supposedly offered him protection; according to that legend, Zapata had embarked at Acapulco to flee to Arabia. Still others asserted that on moonlit nights he could be seen riding near Anenecuilco, his birthplace. It was also there that, decades later, people placed an old man shut up in a house, who they claimed was Zapata. A corrido written in those days gave an idea of this situation:

At last they buried his body
full of jubilation and joy
and many, many wept
for his sins and his repose.

But his soul perseveres
in its liberating ideal
and his horrible skull
wanders in torment, oh terror!

Along the outskirts of Cuautla
a horrible banner waves,
grasped by the skull
of the warlike Zapata.

Such constancy astounds all;
in the blackness of the night,
his ghost is seen to wander
over the mountains and plains.

His spurs are heard to jingle,
his horrible curses too,
and, gnashing his teeth,
he thinks he leads great legions.

He stretches out his stiff hand
and his gaze grows wide...
The specter of Zapata
roams the southern countryside!

— Fragment of the Corrido del espectro de Zapata (Ballad of Zapata's Specter), anonymous.

Some time ago, a text was published that questions the official version of Zapata's death at the Hacienda of Chinameca. To date there has been no public response, with arguments, not even from professional historians, refuting these challenges to the official version.

Zapata is the author of the famous phrase "It is better to die on your feet than to live a whole life on your knees." Dolores Ibárruri, "La Pasionaria," certainly popularized it.

Personal life

The reason Zapata was incorporated into the army was the fact that he had abducted a young woman. The accusation was made by the father of Inés Alfaro Aguilar, a young woman with whom Zapata would some time later have two children: Nicolás and Elena Zapata Alfaro. In the photograph in which Zapata appears next to Gen. Pancho Villa seated in the presidential chair, the smallest child peeking out is Nicolás. Also according to the historian Jesús Sotelo Inclán, Zapata married a young woman of the well-off class named Luisa Merino, and upon the fall of the Porfirian dictatorship, on August 20, 1911, he married Miss Josefa Espejo Sánchez, known as "La Generala," a native of Anenecuilco, daughter of Don Fidencio Espejo and Guadalupe Sánchez Merino, with whom he had two more children. The first was named Felipe; he was born on the hill of El Jilguero and died at the age of five, in one of the many refuges the family had, after being bitten by a rattlesnake. The second child was Josefa; she was born in Tlaltizapán and, a year before her brother Felipe, died as a result of a scorpion sting. Thus Josefa was left without children in a short time. However, Zapata had more children, as is the case of Ana María Zapata, daughter of Petra P. Torres.

Museums

The so-called Zapata Route is a tourism project for learning about the history of the so-called revolutionary caudillo.

Zapata Route

• Cuautla: visitors can see the old railroad station, which served as a Zapatista barracks; the municipal palace, where the wake was held over his body; the southern square (Plaza del Señor del Pueblo), where his remains rest beneath a statue in his honor; and Locomotive 279, which was in service during the revolutionary era;
• Anenecuilco: has the Zapata House Museum, an innovative museum, with the room where Emiliano Zapata was born;
• Chinameca: remains of the main buildings of the former hacienda where he was gunned down, and a museum with photographs;
• Tlaltizapán: where the Zapatista Headquarters Museum and the Mausoleum of Emiliano Zapata Salazar are located.

See also

• Jesús Chávez Carrera
• Flores Magón brothers
• Teodoro Flores
• Plan of Ayala
• Principal Zapatista chiefs and officers
• Mexican Revolution
• Francisco Villa
• Emiliano Zapata, Morelos
• Zapatismo
• Viva Zapata!

References

Bibliography

• Ávila Espinosa, Felipe Arturo (2006). "Guerra y política contra el cuartelazo. La revolución zapatista durante el régimen de Huerta" (PDF). Estudios de Historia Moderna y Contemporánea de México (in español) (31). Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, UNAM: 109–138. ISSN 0185-2620. Retrieved April 4, 2019.
• Cámara de Diputados (2018). Rodríguez Álvarez, Mauricio; Solórzano Morales, Raquel (eds.). Emiliano Zapata. Centenario luctuoso (PDF) (in español) (1st ed.). Cámara de Diputados. LXIII Legislatura. ISBN 978-607-9081-24-9. Retrieved March 12, 2019.
• López González, Valentín (1980). Los compañeros de Zapata (in español) (Ediciones del Gobierno del Estado Libre y Soberano de Morelos ed.). Mexico.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
• Palacios, Porfirio (1960). Emiliano Zapata: datos biográficos-históricos (in español).
• Reyes, Alfonso (1963). Emiliano Zapata. Su vida y obra (in español).
• Santana, Adalberto (2010). "Emiliano Zapata en el pensamiento latinoamericano" (PDF). Cuadernos Americanos (in español) (134): 53–72. Archived from the original (PDF) on December 20, 2014. Retrieved March 13, 2019.
• Serrano Álvarez, Pablo (2011). Cronología de la Revolución (1906-1917) (PDF) (in español) (1st ed.). Instituto Nacional de Estudios Históricos de las Revoluciones de México. ISBN 978-607-7916-11-6. Retrieved March 14, 2019.
• Womack Jr., John (1969). Zapata y la Revolución Mexicana (in español) (Siglo XXI Editores S.A. ed.). Mexico.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)

Other sources

• 5 personajes que hicieron Revolución, Mexican Revolution Special, México Desconocido.
• Zapata y su paso por Milpa Alta, Distrito Federal, México Desconocido.
• La Hacienda de Chinameca, Morelos, Mexican Revolution Special, México Desconocido.
• Ruta de Zapata, México Desconocido.
• Los consejos de Emiliano Zapata a Enrique Peña Nieto, Contraparte.

External links

• Documentos de Emiliano Zapata (Documents of Emiliano Zapata), on Spanish Wikisource.
• Himno zapatista (Zapatista Anthem), on Spanish Wikisource.
• Emiliano Zapata 1909-1919 Documents, bibliography, corridos, photographs, cartoons, and videos.
• Zapata Vive Digital Library of El Colegio de México with corridos and interviews about Emiliano Zapata and the battles of the Zapatistas.