Venustiano Carranza

From Hispanopedia
For other uses, see Venustiano Carranza (disambiguation).
Venustiano Carranza
Photograph taken c. 1915.
President of the United Mexican States
In office
May 1, 1917 – May 21, 1920
CabinetCabinet of Venustiano Carranza
Preceded by--- (Constitutionalist)
Francisco Lagos Cházaro (Conventionist)
Succeeded byAdolfo de la Huerta
First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army, in charge of the Executive Power of the United Mexican States
Parallel to the Conventionist governments
In office
August 13, 1914 – April 30, 1917
Preceded byFrancisco Carvajal (as interim President)
Succeeded byHimself (as President)
Governor of Coahuila de Zaragoza[1][2]
In office
May 29, 1911 – August 1, 1911
Preceded byJesús de Valle
Succeeded byReginaldo Cepeda
In office
November 22, 1911 – March 7, 1913
Preceded byReginaldo Cepeda
Succeeded byManuel M. Blázquez
Senator of the Congress of the Union
In office
April 3, 1901 – November 21, 1911
Preceded byMariano Ortiz de Montellano
Succeeded byEncarnación Dávila
ConstituencyCoahuila
Municipal President of Cuatro Ciénegas
In office
1894–1898
Personal details
Born(1859-12-29)December 29, 1859[3]
Cuatro Ciénegas (Mexico)
DiedMay 21, 1920(1920-05-21) (aged 60)
Tlaxcalantongo (Mexico)
Cause of deathAssassination
Resting placeMonument to the Revolution
PartyConstitutionalist Liberal Party
Height1.98 m (6 ft 6 in)[4][5][6]
Spouse(s)Virginia Salinas Balmaceda
Ernestina Hernández
ChildrenLeopoldo, Virginia, Julia, Jesús, Venustiano, Emilio and Rafael.
Parent(s)Jesús Carranza Neira
María de Jesús de la Garza y Garza
OccupationBusinessman and politician

José Venustiano Carranza de la Garza (Cuatro Ciénegas, Coahuila;[7] December 29, 1859 – Tlaxcalantongo, Puebla; May 21, 1920),[3] usually referred to as Venustiano Carranza, was a Mexican politician, military officer and businessman. He took part in the Mexican Revolution after the assassination of Francisco I. Madero[8] and in the overthrow of the government of Victoriano Huerta.

As First Chief of the Constitutionalist Army, he was in charge of the Executive Power from August 13, 1914, until April 30, 1917,[9] in parallel with the governments that emanated from the Convention of Aguascalientes.[10] He was Constitutional President of Mexico from May 1, 1917, until his assassination.[11]

Origins

Carranza's birthplace (Cuatrociénegas, Coahuila, 1859) (photo from 2016).

Of Basque descent,[12] Carranza was born in the town of Cuatro Ciénegas, Coahuila, a place that at the time had little more than two thousand inhabitants. On February 19, 1856, by decree of Santiago Vidaurri, the state of Coahuila was annexed to the state of Nuevo León; therefore, by 1859, the year in which Carranza was born, Cuatro Ciénegas belonged to Nuevo León. Later, on February 26, 1864, Benito Juárez decreed the separation of Coahuila and Nuevo León.[13]

Carranza was a member of a well-known family of the region, his father being Colonel Jesús Carranza Neira, a soldier of the republican cause and a fervent admirer of Benito Juárez, in whose image he raised his children; Colonel Carranza was also municipal president of Cuatro Ciénegas on several occasions, and political chief of Monclova. Upon his death, he was succeeded in the municipal presidency by his son Venustiano.[14]

Politics during the Porfiriato

He began his political career when he was elected Municipal President of Cuatro Ciénegas, in the time of Governor José María Garza Galán, but because his relations with him were dreadful, he resigned. For that reason, when Garza Galán sought reelection, Carranza rebelled, taking part politically against him. He did not take up arms, but he convinced Porfirio Díaz that the movement was not anti-Porfirist. Bernardo Reyes was appointed mediator, and supported Venustiano Carranza in returning to politics. That is how he returned to the municipal presidency of Cuatro Ciénegas from 1894 to 1898. In addition, he was a local deputy to the Congress of Coahuila and a deputy and senator to the Congress of the Union. In 1908, he held the governorship of Coahuila on an interim basis. It was believed that he would be the next governor, but his participation in the Reyista movement brought him the opposition of Porfirio Díaz and of the Científicos. Despite this, he presented his independent candidacy for the government of his state, and was defeated by Jesús del Valle.

Maderismo

At first he did not commit himself to Francisco I. Madero, since he continued to hope that one day General Bernardo Reyes, who had supported him in his struggle against Garza Galán, would return to the country to succeed Porfirio Díaz. Seeing that this was not happening, and with the presidential elections approaching, he decided to join Maderismo, going into exile in San Antonio, Texas, and pledging to answer the call to arms. Although he never entered the state as a rebel, he was appointed by Francisco I. Madero as governor of Coahuila. Madero then named him Secretary of War and Navy in his provisional cabinet in Ciudad Juárez, despite his being a civilian.

He was confirmed in his post as governor of Coahuila, to which he was elected shortly afterward. As governor of his state, he organized auxiliary forces that prevented the Orozquista rebels from passing into Coahuila in 1912.

The Convention of Aguascalientes

This meeting became known as the Convention of Aguascalientes, which was convened on October 1, 1914, by Venustiano Carranza. Although at first the Zapatistas were not called to the Convention, after a missive they joined the sessions, and that is how Carranza's political aspirations became complicated, since Villistas and Zapatistas set out their ideals in the Convention and managed to convince Carrancistas and Obregonistas, who soon joined the new legislature and pressed for Carranza's removal as First Chief.

In its twelfth point, the Zapatista Plan of Ayala had provided for a meeting of the principal revolutionary chiefs of the various states (similar to that of the Convention), so that they could appoint an interim President, who would be charged with calling elections for a new Congress of the Union, which in turn would call elections to constitute the other powers of the country.

Although this seems to be the most democratic proposal, Carranza seemed not to agree with it. His call for the formation of the Convention in Mexico City had no other purpose than to concentrate and organize under his command all the revolutionary forces that had risen in arms throughout the length and breadth of the country, so as to establish himself as the man predestined to occupy the Presidency of the Republic and not, as happened, a kind of legislature that sought to give the Republic a new direction on the path toward democratizing the nation.

The Convention, which Carranza believed would legitimize him, refused to recognize him as President, removed him from office and appointed Eulalio Gutiérrez Ortiz as provisional President. Carranza, instead of abiding by the decisions of the Assembly, declared it in rebellion and in January 1915 left for Veracruz with the staff of his administration. There he reorganized his army with the support of Generals Álvaro Obregón, Pablo González Garza, Cándido Aguilar, Salvador Alvarado, Jacinto B. Treviño, Francisco Coss, José de Jesús Madrigal Guzmán and others. In addition, like Francisco Villa, he decreed his own Agrarian Law on January 6, 1915, and issued the additions to the Plan of Guadalupe concerning divorce, the free municipality, the independence of the Judicial Power, workplace accidents, the suspension of the National Lottery, etc.

Even without the consent of President-elect Woodrow Wilson, the United States ambassador supported Félix Díaz and Huerta with weapons. By April 1914, on the pretext of the landing of sailors in Tampico on lands where foreigners were not allowed, they occupied Veracruz. The mission was to depose Huerta, for being illegitimate, and above all to control the entry of armaments. The fighting resulted in 200 Mexican casualties against 19 American ones.[15]

There exist telegrams sent by Carranza in April 1917 that[16] dated April 27, 1917. Issued in Ciudad Juárez and received in Chihuahua, the short text begins with the phrase "Very urgent," followed by a cryptic text: "He tenido varias 08.23.14.03.41 [...]" ("I have had several 08.23.14.03.41 [...]"). This type of coded message was very common during the revolutionary process: all the contending factions used them, since if someone intercepted them they could hasten a mobilization and intervene against them. The cryptogram continues: "[...] bastante este Estado 48.55.25.11.15.77.69 [...]" ("[...] quite this State 48.55.25.11.15.77.69 [...]") and finally says: "me permito darle esta información por lo que tuviera aprovecharla. Saludos. Pesqueira" ("I take the liberty of giving you this information in case you could make use of it. Regards. Pesqueira"). Roberto V. Pesqueira Morales was a revolutionary agent in Washington and financial agent of the government of Mexico in New York, and even became a federal deputy.[17]

Although the content of the telegram is unknown, the repetition of the number 48 is notable. Madero used that number in personal letters precisely to speak of the United States. A still unproven hypothesis holds that it is possibly a reference to the number of stars on the American flag at the beginning of the 20th century, which correspond to its confederated states. If this hypothesis were applied to Carranza, it could explain that from the end of 1915 there is correspondence coming from the United States that recognizes the Mexican general as President.[15]

Recognition

At the end of 1915, Carranza decided to undertake a tour of the north of the country in order to consolidate his government. On October 19, 1915, while he was in the city of Torreón, he received a telegram from Eliseo Arredondo, his special envoy in Washington, announcing the recognition of his government by the government of the United States.[18] President Carranza decided to announce the recognition with a speech delivered from the balcony of the Hotel Salvador, where he was staying. The text of the telegram read as follows:

"...Dear Mr. Arredondo:

I have the pleasure of informing you that the President of the United States takes this opportunity to extend his recognition to the "de Facto" Government of Mexico, in which Mr. Don Venustiano Carranza figures as Chief Executive. The Government of the United States will be pleased to receive formally, in Washington, the diplomatic representative of said "de Facto" Government as soon as it pleases Mr. Carranza to designate him and issue his appointment; and reciprocally the Government of the United States will accredit a diplomatic representative to the "de Facto" Government as soon as the President has the opportunity to appoint him. I shall be grateful if you would kindly announce this news to Mr. Carranza as promptly as you consider possible and opportune."

—I remain sincerely yours, R. Lansing."[19]

The Constituent Congress of 1917

Main article: Constituent Congress of Mexico of 1917
Venustiano Carranza (center) in La Cañada, Querétaro, on January 22, 1916.

When the Conventionist forces were defeated, Carranza deemed it advisable to consolidate his political movement in constitutional reforms, a matter he had already mentioned when referring to the need to remake the Constitution of 1857 in a speech he gave in Hermosillo on September 24, 1913. The weakness of Zapatismo allowed Mexico City to be taken, and it was this triumph that brought him the official recognition of the United States government in October 1915.

On September 14, 1916, Carranza announced the need to convene a constituent congress to reform the Constitution of 1857. In that call, it was stipulated that one deputy would be named for approximately every 70,000 inhabitants, approximately, since some states dominated by Villista or Zapatista forces sent minimal delegations. The requirements for representation were the same as those of the Constitution of 1857, except that it included not having aided with arms or held public employment under governments or factions hostile to the Constitutionalist cause (thus excluding the Villista and Zapatista ideal, as well as other antagonistic groups such as Reyistas and Maderistas). That Congress was an assembly of politicians made up mainly of middle-class lawyers, teachers, engineers and military men. Only the minority had parliamentary experience, since they had previously belonged to a group called the "Bloque liberal renovador" (Renewing Liberal Bloc), which years before had legitimized the Huertista regime as members of the 26th Legislature.

Despite the prior requirements, all these differences caused great problems and controversies during the sessions. Likewise, the armed struggle had been waged by rural people while the deputies who chose the future Mexico were elected by urban people; the truth is that the regions that had been most active in the armed struggle had fewer representatives in the constituent congress. This new Magna Carta embodied differences with respect to the Constitution of 1857, since the former adhered to liberalism and the latter was very realistic in accordance with the international conditions of its time.

Carranza on the cover of Les Hommes du Jour, France, 1916.

When Carranza proposed his draft Constitution, which was originally intended to be a reform of the liberal Constitution of 1857, the more progressive deputies repudiated the text, while those of the Renewing Liberal Bloc agreed with it. For the parliamentary majority, it did not express the ideals for which they (nor the people) had fought: the Carrancista vision was insufficient on issues of utmost importance for the revolutionary deputies, workers, peasants and military men who had to some extent sided with the Villistas and Zapatistas during the Convention. On learning of the Carrancista draft on freedom of labor, on the one hand, and on landed property, on the other, which had been taken from that of 1857, they pointed out that the demands of workers and peasants were not being addressed.

As a result, they demanded of the First Chief that the provisions that would later be known as social rights or guarantees be respected and incorporated. The orthodox constituents, jurists and masters of law, considered the incorporation of workers' rights into the supreme law inappropriate because it contravenes constitutional technique. They deemed it untimely for it to speak of the length of the working day, the minimum wage and women's work, since according to them all of that was secondary legislation. For their part, the legislators who came from the workers' and peasants' struggles did not care about that argument and were determined to see their demands inscribed in the supreme law.

For example, in order to make agrarian reform effective, the original wording of Article 27 upholds the division of the latifundia, the development of small property, the creation of new agricultural population centers with the lands and waters indispensable to them, the promotion of agriculture and the prevention of the destruction of nature. The ideal of property written into Article 27 at its beginnings did not fully conform to the canons of classical capitalism nor to those of socialism. It was, in itself, a mixture of both lines of thought, one fainter than the other. From capitalism it kept private property, but by limiting it to a maximum extent it broke with the liberal archetype, which strives for non-interference of the State in commercial relations among citizens; with socialism, it coincided in the promotion of collective property, such as the ejido and other properties of this kind. Although neither Zapatistas nor Villistas could be part of the Congress, the constitution shows the enormous ideological influence following the Convention.

Regardless, the draft that Venustiano Carranza had presented was substantially modified, and even though he did not agree with the changes made to it, he had to adapt to the ideals of his former irreconcilable enemies, which had influenced even his closest associates, and he promulgated the Constitution on February 5, 1917. From then on, it would be known as the Constitution of 1917, which introduced some social concepts that were very advanced for their time, such as worker-employer relations, which were embodied in Article 123, and the educational and agrarian reforms, which were embodied in Articles 3 and 27, respectively.

Presidency (1917–1920)

Venustiano Carranza in the presidential chair, in 1917.

The Carrancista governing phase was divided into two periods: the pre-constitutional and the constitutional, with the Constitution of 1917 being the "watershed" of this government. The first period was characterized by the Villistas and Zapatistas remaining in arms. Another of the greatest problems of 1916 was diplomatic and military, since in retaliation for Francisco Villa's raid on the town of Columbus, in New Mexico, the United States government sent troops to fight the revolutionary, which remained in Mexico for a little less than a year. To carry out the transition from the revolutionary process to the creation of a post-Revolution State, the victorious groups had to define their project for the country, which they did precisely through the Constitution of 1917.

The new Constitution was promulgated on February 5, 1917, and, consequently, on the 6th of the same month elections were called for deputies and senators to the 27th Legislature of the Congress of the Union and for President of the Republic.[20] Nominated by the Constitutionalist Liberal Party, Carranza won the elections and on May 1, 1917, took office as constitutional president. During his government, Carranza set himself the task of pacifying the country, reorganizing the administration and the branches of government, and enforcing the constitution that had been promulgated.

Despite the apparent optimism regarding the new government, Carranza's achievements during his presidency were only a few and not many changes were seen. This left many who wished to see a new and renewed Mexico after the armed struggle dissatisfied. By 1917, the country was in a very precarious internal position. The revolutionary struggle had ruined the economy, made food sources scarce and caused sanitary problems that ravaged the entire nation.

Likewise, Carranza had to keep facing several political enemies: Emiliano Zapata continued fighting in the state of Morelos; Félix Díaz, the nephew of Porfirio Díaz, had returned to Mexico once more in May 1916 and organized a new army called the Ejército Reorganizador Nacional (National Reorganizing Army), which had its area of operations in the state of Veracruz; while former Porfiristas such as Guillermo Meixueiro and José María Dávila were up in arms in the Oaxaca area, calling themselves the Soberanistas (Sovereigntists) and advocating greater local autonomy. For his part, General Manuel Peláez was entrenched in the area of the Huasteca; while the brothers Saturnino, Cleofás and Magdaleno Cedillo had formed a considerable opposition within San Luis Potosí; and José Inés García Chávez led the resistance against Carranza from Michoacán. Finally, Pancho Villa remained active in Chihuahua, although he was far from having the same number of men he had before his defeat at the Battle of Celaya. Likewise, after Carranza's triumph, Obregón withdrew back to his ranch, publicly announcing his estrangement from the First Chief.

In that very delicate context, the Carranza government launched several military offensives in order to pacify the country, placing special emphasis on the one against Zapata in Morelos, the most immediate threat to Mexico City. During his government, General Felipe Ángeles was captured and executed by firing squad for having joined Villa's forces, while Emiliano Zapata was assassinated at the Hacienda of Chinameca, Morelos, on April 10, 1919.

Despite everything, Carranza managed to maintain Mexico's neutrality in the context of the First World War. For a time he seriously considered allying with the German Empire after that country's foreign minister, Arthur Zimmermann, sent Mexico the famous Zimmermann Telegram in January 1917, inviting Mexico into the conflict on the side of the Germans. In that telegram Zimmermann promised to help Mexico reconquer the territory lost during the American invasion of 1846, particularly the states of Texas, New Mexico and Arizona. Carranza assigned several of his generals to study the possibility of recapturing those territories from the United States, but it was ultimately concluded that a war against the northern neighbor was not feasible. Carranza believed that any possible help from Germany could not be guaranteed in the face of the blockade by the British Navy.

Carranza maintained an indifferent attitude toward constitutional Articles 3 and 130, of anticlerical character, to which he had expressed his opposition during the work of the Constituent Congress. A policy of tolerance toward the Catholic Church in Mexico as an institution seemed most pragmatic given the very delicate situation the country was in. Carranza held that "the customs of a people cannot change overnight; for people to stop being Catholic, the triumph of the Revolution is not enough; the people of Mexico will remain just as ignorant, superstitious and attached to their ancient traditions until they receive an education."[21] Carranza proposed an amendment to modify those constitutional articles, but his proposal was rejected by the local legislatures and by two-thirds of Congress. It would not be until the presidency of Plutarco Elías Calles (1924–1928) that the anticlerical articles would truly be enforced, which would provoke a new armed conflict known as the Cristero War.

Mexican neutrality during the First World War

Carranza took care to zealously maintain a policy of diplomatic neutrality during the international conflict, influenced by anti-American sentiment among the population, owing to the continuous invasions and interventions the United States had carried out in the country.[22] Victoriano Huerta had reached the presidency thanks to the intrigues of the American ambassador Henry Lane Wilson in February 1913, which led to the overthrow of President Francisco I. Madero and Vice President José María Pino Suárez, in a coup d'état known as the Decena Trágica. President Woodrow Wilson had likewise ordered the American invasion of the port of Veracruz in 1914, causing the deaths of 170 Mexican soldiers and an unknown number of civilians.[23][24] As a direct consequence of Lane Wilson's actions, the assassination of Madero and Pino Suárez unleashed a new civil war that lasted until April 1915, when the Constitutionalist Army was finally able to defeat the forces of its former ally, Pancho Villa, at the Battle of Celaya.

Diplomatic relations between the Carranza and Wilson governments were mostly tense, particularly after the proclamation of the new Constitution of 1917, which regulated Mexico's participation during the world conflagration.[25][26]

Nevertheless, Carranza was able to make the best of such a complicated situation, since his government was fully recognized by Germany at the beginning of 1917, while the United States would do likewise on August 31 of that same year. This was achieved as a consequence of the scandal caused by the Zimmermann Telegram, since the northern neighbor committed itself to recognizing the new Carrancista government in exchange for Mexico staying out of the world conflict.[27][28] After the invasion of the port of Veracruz by American marines, Mexico would not be willing to take part alongside the United States in its entry into the Great War, so the best thing that could happen for both parties was for the former to stay out of the conflict.[22]

Carranza also secured guarantees for the German oil companies operating in the country, especially in Mexico City, although Mexico's largest oil trading partner at that time was still the British (in the long run, more than 75% of the fuel used by the British in their fleet came from Mexico).[26][29][30]

Carranza, however, came very close to accepting Germany's proposal, made through the Zimmermann Telegram, and at the same time was able to stop another attempted invasion by the United States to occupy the oil wells located on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec and in Tampico.[25][31][32] By 1917, Mexico was producing more than 55 million barrels of crude, which had become of great strategic importance for the British and, by extension, the rest of the Allies; Carranza threatened to set fire to the oil fields of that area if the Americans invaded the territory.[32][33][34] In view of these actions, the historian Lester Langley wrote: "Carranza may not have succeeded in fulfilling the social goals of the Revolution, but he kept the gringos out of Mexico City."[28][35]

Agua Prieta Revolution and assassination

Main article: Agua Prieta Revolution

In 1920 he sought to impose a civilian as president of the Republic, the engineer Ignacio Bonillas, since by then he was opposed to the political ideology shown by Álvaro Obregón and was disillusioned by the attitude of Pablo González Garza. This attitude caused a revolt led by Álvaro Obregón, who refused to recognize Bonillas and rose up against him under the Plan of Agua Prieta and with Plutarco Elías Calles and Adolfo de la Huerta, on one side, and González, on the other.

When both sides obtained the support of most of the army, Carranza decided to move the seat of the national government to the port of Veracruz, where he had already stayed during the war with Villa; thus he left with his entire cabinet and their families, his furniture, not only personal but also that of some of the government ministries, as well as war matériel, and the funds of the Federal Government: large quantities of silver and gold coins, banknotes and bars of gold and silver that were in the Treasury.

There were continuous attacks on the train at the Puebla stations of San Marcos, Rinconada—where his horse was killed while he was riding it—and Aljibes, Puebla. On May 20, 1920, he left the latter upon learning that the tracks had been dynamited, and went into the Sierra Norte of the state of Puebla with many of his followers, including an escort of cadets from the Military College, in a desperate attempt to reach the port of Veracruz. He thus reached the small village of Tlaxcalantongo, Puebla, where in the early hours of May 21, 1920, the troops of General Rodolfo Herrero killed him while he slept in a jacal.[citation needed]

He was buried in the Panteón Civil de Dolores in Mexico City. In 1942, his remains were placed in the Monument to the Revolution, where they remain to this day.[36]

Museums

House-Museum, Mexico City

There are currently several museums about former President Venustiano Carranza:

  • Venustiano Carranza House Museum in Mexico City: the place where the former president lived from 1919 to 1920, when he fled following the proclamation of the Plan of Agua Prieta.
  • El 25 de febrero en 1921 Museo de la Revolución Venustiano Carranza (February 25 in 1921 Venustiano Carranza Museum of the Revolution) in Veracruz, Veracruz: contains objects belonging to the Baron of Cuatro Ciénagas during his stay in Veracruz.
  • Museo de los Presidentes Coahuilenses (Museum of the Coahuilan Presidents) in Saltillo, Coahuila: houses documents and objects of the five Coahuilans who have been Presidents of Mexico.[37]
  • Casa Museo Venustiano Carranza (Venustiano Carranza House Museum) in Cuatro Ciénegas, Coahuila: the place where Venustiano Carranza was born.[38]
  • Museo Carranza (Carranza Museum) in Xicotepec de Juárez, Puebla: the museum where President Venustiano Carranza lay in wake for 3 days and where his autopsy was performed.

See also

References

  1. ↑ Cronología de los gobernadores de Coahuila
  2. ↑ Robles de la Torre 2000, p. 123
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 APSJ, Libro segundo de bautismos año de 1860, acta 11, foja 202
  4. ↑ "¿Cuánto miden los presidentes de México, el más alto y el de menor estatura?" (in español). Político MX. 2021-07-08. Retrieved 2024-02-28.
  5. ↑ "De Carranza a Felipe Calderón: Conoce los 5 presidentes más altos que ha tenido México" (in español). El Heraldo de México. 2021-03-30. Retrieved 2024-02-28.
  6. ↑ Contreras, César (2023-08-09). "Esta es la estatura de AMLO y de otros presidentes que ha tenido México" (in español). TV Azteca. Retrieved 2024-02-28.
  7. ↑ Between 1857 and 1864 the territory of Coahuila was annexed to that of Nuevo León by decree of Governor Santiago Vidaurri.
  8. ↑ "Francisco I. Madero" (in español). {{cite journal}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help); Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  9. ↑ "Periodo histórico 1910-1920" (in español). UNAM. Retrieved September 12, 2010. {{cite web}}: |archive-url= is malformed: timestamp (help)[dead link]
  10. ↑ Centro de Estudios de Historia de México Carso (1913). Manuscritos del Lic. Federico González Garza (in español). Carpeta 29, legajo 2860.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location (link) CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  11. ↑ "12 datos sobre Venustiano Carranza" (in español).
  12. ↑ "Revaloran en Casa Refugio Citlaltépetl el papel de figuras con ascendencia vasca en la historia de México" (in español). Secretaria de la Cultura de la Ciudad de México. 2018-07-26. Retrieved 2023-11-07.
  13. ↑ Constitución Política de 1857 (in español). 1857.
  14. ↑ Villarreal Lozano 2014, p. 124
  15. ↑ 15.0 15.1 Tesoros de papel - Documentos del Centro de Estudios de Historia de México CONDUMEX en Mudeo Soumaya (in español). México: Fundación Museo Soumaya. 2006. ISBN 968779433x. {{cite book}}: Check |isbn= value: invalid character (help)
  16. ↑ Archivo del Centro de Estudios de Historia de México, CONDUMEX; fondo MXV –Miscelánea de noticias
  17. ↑ 50 años Centro de Estudios de Historia de México (in español). México: Fundación Carlos Slim A. C. 2015. ISBN 9786077805113.
  18. ↑ Garfias M., Luis (2006). La Revolución Mexicana: compendio histórico político militar (in español) (Décima ed.). México: Editorial Panorama. p. 166. ISBN 968-38-0268-0. {{cite book}}: |access-date= requires |url= (help)
  19. ↑ Carmona Dávila, Doralicia. "1915 El gobierno de Estados Unidos reconoce al de Venustiano Carranza". Memoria política de México (in español). Retrieved February 14, 2019.
  20. ↑ "DOF - Diario Oficial de la Federación". dof.gob.mx (in español). Retrieved 2021-07-08.
  21. ↑ Cited in Krauze, México: Biografía del poder, p. 361.
  22. ↑ 22.0 22.1 Stacy, Lee (2002). Mexico and the United States, Volume 3, p. 869, Marshall Cavendish, USA.
  23. ↑ McPherson, Alan (2013). Encyclopedia of U.S. Military Interventions in Latin America, p. 393, ABC-CLIO, USA.
  24. ↑ Vollmer, Susan (2007). Legends, Leaders, Legacies, p. 79, Biography & Autobiography, USA.
  25. ↑ 25.0 25.1 Meyer, Lorenzo (1977). Mexico and the United States in the oil controversy, 1917-1942, p. 45, University of Texas Press, USA.
  26. ↑ 26.0 26.1 Halevy, Drew Philip (2000). Threats of Intervention: U. S.-Mexican Relations, 1917-1923, p. 41, iUniverse, USA.
  27. ↑ Paterson, Thomas; Clifford, J. Garry; Brigham, Robert; Donoghue, Michael; Hagan, Kenneth (2010). American Foreign Relations, Volume 1: To 1920, p. 265, Cengage Learning, USA.
  28. ↑ 28.0 28.1 Paterson, Thomas; Clifford, John Garry; Hagan, Kenneth J. (1999). American Foreign Relations: A History since 1895, p. 51, Houghton Mifflin College Division, USA.
  29. ↑ Buchenau, Jürgen (2004). Tools of Progress: A German Merchant Family in Mexico City, 1865-present, p. 82, University of New Mexico Press, USA.
  30. ↑ Meyer, Lorenzo (1977). Mexico and the United States in the oil controversy, 1917-1942, p. 253, University of Texas Press, USA.
  31. ↑ Gruening, Ernest (1968). Mexico and Its Heritage, p. 596, Greenwood Press, USA.
  32. ↑ 32.0 32.1 Haber, Stephen; Maurer, Noel; Razo, Armando (2003). The Politics of Property Rights: Political Instability, Credible Commitments, and Economic Growth in Mexico, 1876-1929, p. 201, Cambridge University Press, UK.
  33. ↑ Grayson, George (1981). The Politics of Mexican Oil, p. 10, University of Pittsburgh Press, USA.
  34. ↑ Meyer, Lorenzo (1977). Mexico and the United States in the oil controversy, 1917-1942, p. 44, University of Texas Press, USA.
  35. ↑ Langley, Lester D. (2001). The Banana Wars: United States Intervention in the Caribbean, 1898-1934, p. 108, Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, USA.
  36. ↑ "Dónde descansan los restos de los revolucionarios" (in español). Capital México. 2018-10-19. Retrieved 2024-02-28.
  37. ↑ Soto, Omar (2022-08-14). "Museo de los Presidentes Coahuilenses: un recinto para honrar su legado" (in español). El Heraldo de Saltillo. Retrieved 2024-02-28.
  38. ↑ Secretaría de Cultura de Coahuila. "Museo Casa Venustiano Carranza: datos generales". sic.gob.mx (in español). Retrieved 2024-02-28.

Bibliography

Wikimedia Commons logo
Wikimedia Commons has media related to Venustiano Carranza.
Retrieved from "https://en.hispanopedia.com/index.php?title=Venustiano_Carranza&oldid=1931"